Documents Refute Israeli Claims that Ex-Syrian PM Jamil Mardam Bey Was ‘Double Agent’

President Shukri al-Quwatli (L) and former Syrian PM Jamil Mardam Bey.
President Shukri al-Quwatli (L) and former Syrian PM Jamil Mardam Bey.
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Documents Refute Israeli Claims that Ex-Syrian PM Jamil Mardam Bey Was ‘Double Agent’

President Shukri al-Quwatli (L) and former Syrian PM Jamil Mardam Bey.
President Shukri al-Quwatli (L) and former Syrian PM Jamil Mardam Bey.

Israeli media published last month an article alleging that former Syrian Prime Minister Jamil Mardam Bey was a “double agent” who worked for France, Britain and Israel.

Author and Israeli researcher Meir Zamir claimed that he had discovered a trove of documents from the French archive that prove that Mardam Bey was double agent. The official served in office in the 1930s and 1940s and is among the most prominent Syrian national figures.

The article was published without verifying the claims. Those adept at academic research will notice that the “damning evidence” alleged by Zamir were not documented. The very article in which he presented his claims does not merit being described as a serious study of history.

Perhaps it did not occur to Zamir that Mardam Bey was one of the few Arab figures to have preserved all his personal documents. Indeed, he had left at his Cairo home more than 10,000 documents on significant developments that took place during his term as finance, former affairs and defense minister and then prime minister. He kept every personal or official document. He was supposed to hand them over to the Syrian state archive, but after witnessing the tumult in his country, he chose to keep them.

After his death, his family sought that the documents be placed in the possession of the Syrian people. It therefore tasked me with this mission. I worked with a specialized archive center to organize them in a professional manner. They have since been digitized and will soon be available for access to historians.

The documents include minutes of meetings, correspondence, speeches, journal entries and reports on official visits or political analyses. Mardam Bey also used to write his own notes by hand to comment on an issue or a significant event.

Zamir deliberately sought to tarnish Mardam Bey’s reputation. The Syrian official is known throughout the Arab world as a national figure, who was skilled at diplomacy. He is known for his contributions to the liberation of Arab lands from colonization and had waged fierce political battles for Syria’s independence.

The majority of correspondence between Mardam Bey and British government representatives reveal a strong relationship he had forged with the then world power. Ahead of World War II, its army was protecting the Middle East against the German army and the Nazi regime. France, meanwhile, had surrendered to the Nazis. Its resistance leader Charles de Gaulle had sought refuge in London where he launched the movement against the Nazis.

Alleged ‘double agent’
On Zamir’s claims of Mardam Bey’s collaboration with the French that he had alleged to have found in the French archive, developments on the ground refute these claims. France had vowed to recognize Syria as an independent state in 1941. The Syrian Republic, as it was then known, then became a member of the United Nations and Paris slowly began to back down from its pledge. It began to exert pressure on Syrian officials to agree to the deployment of special forces under French command. Mardam Bey, as defense minister in 1945, categorially rejected the proposal and accused the French of seeking to deprive Syria of a national army.

How could Mardam Bey be an agent to French when de Gaulle wrote in his journals that the British were conspiring with the Syrians to kick France out of Syria? Mardam Bey had turned into a fierce enemy of the French so much so that French General Delegate to Syria Étienne Paul-Émile-Marie Beynet had spoken of how he had lost faith in him and other Syrian national leaders. He even stated that they should be replaced by men who had previously cooperated with Paris.

Mardam Bey and his nationalist colleagues were unfortunate to find themselves alone in confronting France’s coercions. A report on a meeting with British officials showed their rejection of France’s pressure and threats. They promised Mardam Bey that Britain will wield its influence to ensure that negotiations with the French would be smooth and transparent. However, Britain soon changed its position when France was again declared an independent nation after it was liberated from the Nazis in 1944. As an independent country, Britain could no longer exert pressure on France and so the Syrians were on their own.

Of course, the British did not want to help the Syrians achieve independence without a price. They sought for Syria to become part of the Hashemite Kingdom, in what Mardam Bey would describe as “British deceit and double standards.”

Mercurial man
The British soon grew annoyed with Mardam Bey, whom they described as the “mercurial” foreign minister. They completely turned against him over his perceived hardline stance against the French. The loss of trust was mutual. Several documents from the British foreign ministry showed that officials had sought on several occasions to sidestep Mardam Bey and approach the president and prime minister without referring to him first.

Tensions between the Syrian and French leaders reached their peak in 1945 when France carried out a barbaric air raid against state buildings in Damascus, including the parliament. The foreign ministry was struck in an attempt against Mardam Bey’s life after he had delivered a strongly-worded address at parliament where he attacked the French and threatened to disclose documents that expose the British and the pressure they exerted on the Syrians to accept the French terms.

What sort of agent would openly attack and threaten world powers? How would he not fear that they would expose his role as an agent? Had Mardam Bey indeed been a “double agent”, where are the favors that he offered the French, British or Zionists, who had initially admired his diplomatic skills, but soon turned on him when he started to use these skills against their interests?



Negotiators Zero in on Potential Deal to Disarm Syria’s Last Battleground

A member of Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) stands along a street after opposition fighters seized the capital and ousted Syria's Bashar al-Assad, in Hasakah, Syria, December 11, 2024. (Reuters)
A member of Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) stands along a street after opposition fighters seized the capital and ousted Syria's Bashar al-Assad, in Hasakah, Syria, December 11, 2024. (Reuters)
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Negotiators Zero in on Potential Deal to Disarm Syria’s Last Battleground

A member of Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) stands along a street after opposition fighters seized the capital and ousted Syria's Bashar al-Assad, in Hasakah, Syria, December 11, 2024. (Reuters)
A member of Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) stands along a street after opposition fighters seized the capital and ousted Syria's Bashar al-Assad, in Hasakah, Syria, December 11, 2024. (Reuters)

Negotiators are zeroing in on a potential deal to resolve one of the most explosive questions looming over Syria's future: the fate of Kurdish forces that the US considers key allies against ISIS but neighboring Türkiye regards as a national security threat.

Diplomatic and military negotiators from the United States, Türkiye, Syria and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are showing more flexibility and patience than their public statements suggest, a dozen sources told Reuters, including five directly involved in the intensive web of discussions in recent weeks.

This could set the stage for an accord in the coming months that would see some Kurdish fighters leave Syria's restive northeast and others brought under the authority of the new defense ministry, six of the sources said.

However, many thorny issues need to be resolved, they said. These include how to integrate the SDF alliance's well-armed and trained fighters into Syria's security framework and administer territory under their control, which includes key oil and wheat fields.

In an interview with Saudi Arabia's Asharq News channel on Tuesday, SDF commander Mazloum Abdi said the alliance's "basic demand" is for decentralized administration - a potential challenge to Syria's new leadership, which wants to bring all of the country back under the government's authority after ousting Bashar al-Assad last month.

Abdi indicated that the SDF has no intention of dissolving, saying it was open to linking with the defense ministry and operating according to its rules, but as "a military bloc".

Syria's new defense minister, Murhaf Abu Qasra, rejected that approach in an interview with Reuters on Sunday, saying the suggestion that the SDF remain one bloc "is not right."

The former opposition fighters now in power in Damascus have said they want all armed groups to integrate into Syria's official forces, under a unified command. The SDF, when asked for comment, referred Reuters to its commander's interview.

How much autonomy Kurdish factions retain likely hinges on whether incoming US president Donald Trump continues Washington's longtime support of its Kurdish allies, according to diplomats and officials on all sides.

Trump has not spoken publicly about his intentions, including his plans for some 2,000 US troops stationed in Syria. A Trump representative did not comment.

Any deal also depends on whether Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan holds off on a threatened military offensive against the People's Protection Units (YPG), the Kurdish group that spearheads the SDF alliance.

Ankara views them as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which has been waging an insurgency against the Turkish state since 1984 and is deemed a terrorist group by both Türkiye and the US.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said this month that Syria's new authorities "should be given an opportunity to ... end the occupation and terror the YPG created", but he did not say how long Ankara would wait for it to disarm before launching an incursion.

A Turkish Foreign Ministry source said disarming armed groups and the departure of "foreign terrorist fighters" were essential for Syria's stability and territorial integrity, so the sooner this happens the better.

"We are voicing this expectation of ours in the strongest terms during our contacts with both the United States and the new administration in Damascus," the source said.

INTENSIVE TALKS

US and Turkish officials have been holding "very intensive" discussions since fighters led by the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group, a former al-Qaeda affiliate, launched a lightning offensive from their northwestern stronghold that deposed Assad on Dec. 8, a senior US diplomat told Reuters.

The two countries share a "common view of where things should end up", including a belief that all foreign fighters should exit Syrian territory, the diplomat said, noting Turkish negotiators "have a very high sense of urgency" to settle things.

However, the diplomat, who like some other sources requested anonymity to discuss sensitive negotiations, said the talks were "hugely complex" and would take time.

Parallel talks are taking place between the US and both the SDF and HTS, Türkiye and HTS, and the SDF and HTS, officials from all sides say.

Part of a stateless ethnic group straddling Iraq, Iran, Türkiye, Armenia and Syria, Kurds had been among the few winners of the Syrian conflict, gaining control over Arab-majority areas as the US partnered with them in the campaign against ISIS. They now hold nearly a quarter of the country.

But Assad's fall has left Syrian Kurdish factions on the back foot, with Türkiye-backed armed groups gaining ground in the northeast and the country's new rulers in Damascus friendly with Ankara.

Türkiye, which provided direct support to some opposition groups against Assad, has emerged as one of the most influential power brokers in Syria since his fall. Like the US, it has designated HTS a terrorist group because of its al-Qaeda past, but Ankara is believed to have significant sway over the group.

Officials on all sides worry that failure to reach a ceasefire and longer-term political accord in the northeast could destabilize Syria as it seeks to recover from a 13-year civil war that killed hundreds of thousands, displaced millions and drew in countries including Russia, Iran and Israel.

Dozens of people in northern Syria have been reported killed since December in clashes between the Kurdish-led SDF and Türkiye’s allies, and in cross-border Turkish airstrikes.

Failure to resolve the fate of Kurdish factions in Syria could also undermine nascent efforts to end the PKK's insurgency in Türkiye.

The United Nations has warned of "dramatic consequences" for Syria and the region if a political solution is not found in the northeast.

POTENTIAL TRADE-OFFS

US support for the SDF has been a source of tension with its NATO ally, Türkiye.

Washington views the SDF as a key partner in countering ISIS, which Secretary of State Antony Blinken has warned will try to use this period to re-establish capabilities in Syria. The SDF is still guarding tens of thousands of detainees linked to the group.

Erdogan said on Wednesday that Türkiye has the power to "crush" all terrorists in Syria, including ISIS and Kurdish militants.

Türkiye wants the management of camps and prisons where ISIS detainees are being held transferred to Syria's new rulers and has offered to help them. It has also demanded that the SDF expel all foreign fighters and senior PKK members from its territory and disarm the remaining members in a way it can verify.

Abdi, the SDF commander, has shown flexibility regarding some Turkish demands, telling Reuters last month that its foreign fighters, including PKK members, would leave Syria if Türkiye agrees to a ceasefire.

The PKK said in a statement to Reuters on Thursday that it would agree to leave if the SDF maintains control of the northeast or a significant role in joint leadership.

Such assurances are unlikely to satisfy Ankara at a time when the SDF is "trying to stay alive and autonomous" in Syria, Omer Onhon, Türkiye’s last ambassador to Damascus, told Reuters.

In Ankara on Wednesday, Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad Hassan al-Shibani said the extensive US-backed SDF presence was no longer justified, and the new administration would not allow Syrian land to be a source of threats to Türkiye. Standing next to him, his Turkish counterpart, Fidan, said it was time to put anti-terror pledges into practice.

Abdi told Asharq News that he has met with Syria's de facto leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, and the two sides agreed to set up a joint military committee to decide how the SDF would integrate with the defense ministry. He described the meeting with Sharaa, who heads HTS, as positive.

Abu Qasra, the defense minister, accused SDF leaders on Sunday of "procrastinating" on the issue, saying "consolidation of all areas under the new administration ... is a right of the Syrian state."

The new leadership believes that allowing SDF fighters to continue operating as a bloc would "risk destabilization, including a coup", a ministry official told Reuters.

Abdi argued that a decentralized administration would not threaten Syria's unity, saying the SDF is not demanding the kind of federalism introduced in Iraq, where Kurds have their own regional government.

Some Syrian officials and diplomats say the SDF will likely need to relinquish control of significant territory and oil revenues, gained during the war, as part of any political settlement.

In return, Kurdish factions could be granted protections for their language and culture within a decentralized political structure, said Bassam al-Kuwatli, president of the small Syrian Liberal Party, which supports minority rights but is not involved in the talks.

A senior Syrian Kurdish source acknowledged that some such trade-offs would likely be needed but did not elaborate.

Abdi told Asharq News that the SDF was open to handing over responsibility for oil resources to the new administration, provided the wealth was distributed fairly to all provinces.

Washington has called for a "managed transition" of the SDF's role.

The US diplomat said Assad's ouster opens the door for Washington to eventually consider withdrawing its troops from Syria, though much depends on whether trusted forces like its Kurdish allies remain engaged in efforts to counter any ISIS resurgence.

Trump's return to the White House on Monday has raised hopes in Türkiye of a favorable deal, given the rapport he established with Erdogan during his first term.

Trump has spoken approvingly about Erdogan's role in Syria, calling him a "very smart guy", and said Türkiye would "hold the key" to what happens there.

"The Americans won't abandon (the SDF)," said Onhon, Türkiye’s former ambassador. "But the arrival of someone as unpredictable as Trump must worry them in a way too."