Warning Message from US to Region: Do Not Weaken Our Ability to Pressure Damascus

US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
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Warning Message from US to Region: Do Not Weaken Our Ability to Pressure Damascus

US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)
US forces patrol oil fields in Syria, Oct. 28, 2019. (AP)

The latest American sanctions against Damascus and the Middle East tour carried out by Joel Rayburn, US Special Envoy for Syria in the US State Department, delivered a strong message that a change in administration in Washington does not mean a change in policy or an end to the regime’s isolation.

Even if tactical changes were to be introduced, strategic changes on Syria will not happen, he said.

The sanctions came with an added “warning” against taking steps that could weaken Washington’s ability to continue its pressure campaign on Damascus.

The recent sanctions “shut the door for the possibility of holding negotiations between the US and Syria” and obstruct the possibility of opening “channels of dialogue.” Rather, they only increase the economic pressure on Damascus with the central bank being among the latest targets. The impact was immediate, with foreign banks declaring that they were halting operations in Damascus.

Coordination with London
Washington blacklisted Asma al-Assad, president Bashar’s wife, her father and two brothers, as well as businesses they own. In addition, it targeted security, economic and executive Syrian officials, including Lina Mohammed Nazir al-Kinayeh, whom the Treasury identified as an official in Assad’s presidential office, her husband, MP Mohammed Hammam Masouti, and their businesses, and others.

The latest sanctions take to 114 the number of individuals and entities that have been targeted since the Caesar Act came into effect in mid-June. Reports have said new sanctions will be announced before US President Donald Trump leaves the White House on January 20.

Rayburn said the latest sanctions were announced a year after Trump signed the Caesar Act.

“The United States remains committed to carrying out a sustained campaign of economic and political pressure to prevent the Assad regime and its staunchest supporters from amassing resources to fuel their war against the Syrian people,” he stressed on Tuesday.

“To that end, the United States is imposing sanctions on 18 more individuals and entities, including the Central Bank of Syria. These individuals and corrupt businesses are impeding efforts to reach a political and peaceful resolution to the Syrian conflict, as called for by UN Security Council Resolution 2254,” he added.

“Among those individuals sanctioned today are Asma al-Assad and some of her immediate relatives, all of whom are based in the United Kingdom. Asma al-Assad has spearheaded efforts on behalf of the regime to consolidate economic and political power, including by using her so-called charities and civil society organizations. Her and her family’s corruption is one of the many reasons that this conflict lingers on,” he remarked.

Rayburn said it was “significant” that Asma and her immediate relatives – her father, Fawaz Akhras; Asma al-Assad’s mother, Sahar Otri Akhras; Asma al-Assad’s brothers, Firas Akhras and Eyad Akhras – were being targeted.

He noted that all of these figures are dual Syrian and UK citizens and are all based in the UK.

“We coordinated this action with our UK counterparts,” he revealed. “Our UK counterparts are very, very close partners of ours on the Syria file. And so we did everything in conjunction with them. We would never surprise them on this because we’re in a very close strategic partnership with the UK on Syria.”

It remains to be seen whether the British government or European Union will also sanction the same individuals.

Tuesday’s sanctions reveal that Washington will continue to exert pressure on the Akhras family, Asma and her entourage. They also send a strong message that Syrians and non-Syrians who cooperate with the regime may be sanctioned. The third message is that anyone anywhere cooperating with the regime may be targeted.

Closing the door
Politically, some of the latest blacklisted figures used to play a role in the “second path” or “second door” of negotiations with American parties. They had held secret meetings in London to tackle western sanctions on Damascus, among other issues.

Their designation makes such talks “legally impossible” in the future. The message of the “Syrian file team” in Washington is that “you cannot be a mediator in London or any other European capital and also a partner to Damascus.”

The Caesar Act bars any dealings with the regime.

Significantly, some of the American officials who were part of this negotiations path will possibly play a role in managing the Syrian file in Joe Biden’s administration. The sanctions, effectively, put an end to this option.

Rayburn had recently concluded a tour of the region that included Turkey, Egypt, Israel, Iraq, northeastern Syria and other countries.

The tour served as a “reminder” and a “warning” to concerned countries of the American goals in Syria: ensuring the defeat of ISIS, pressuring Iran to pull out from the country and pressuring the regime to implement resolution 2254.

These are not the goals of US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo or Raybun, but of America. The change in officials, will not change the goals. A change in administration, does not mean a change in policy.

“I think that those goals already have a consensus behind them in Washington, and I really don’t think you’re going to see a significant change away from those goals. You can – there are different people who will come into different positions; they can have good ideas about how to implement those goals better. But I don’t think you’re going to see a discarding of those goals,” stressed Rayburn.

“I think you can count on the United States as well as the other like-minded countries to continue seeking those goals regardless of who is in the White House,” he added.



Israeli-Iranian Conflict Alarms Residents of Beirut’s Southern Suburbs

A Hezbollah supporter walks near a site previously targeted by an Israeli airstrike in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a pro-Iran demonstration on Friday (EPA)
A Hezbollah supporter walks near a site previously targeted by an Israeli airstrike in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a pro-Iran demonstration on Friday (EPA)
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Israeli-Iranian Conflict Alarms Residents of Beirut’s Southern Suburbs

A Hezbollah supporter walks near a site previously targeted by an Israeli airstrike in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a pro-Iran demonstration on Friday (EPA)
A Hezbollah supporter walks near a site previously targeted by an Israeli airstrike in Beirut’s southern suburbs during a pro-Iran demonstration on Friday (EPA)

As the Israeli-Iranian conflict intensifies, many Lebanese, particularly in Hezbollah strongholds such as South Lebanon, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs, are bracing for the worst.

The possibility of Hezbollah’s involvement in the war has heightened fears of a broader escalation that could drag Lebanon into the conflict once again.

In Beirut’s southern suburb of Hayy al-Sellom, 44-year-old Hassan has already packed a bag, as have his siblings. He says they are waiting for the moment they might have to leave, hoping war doesn’t reach their doorstep.

Similarly, Abir, a resident of Burj al-Barajneh, says her family spends most of their time following the news. With an elderly and sick mother at home, she is worried about how they would evacuate if needed and has already begun looking for a temporary alternative place to stay.

The atmosphere in the southern suburbs is tense but quiet. Commercial activity has dropped noticeably, with shop owners reporting a decline in sales of fresh goods. Many families have already relocated to safer areas in the Bekaa and South Lebanon, especially after the school year ended.

Amina, a homemaker in her forties who lives near the airport road, is one of them. She plans to move to her village with her daughter while her husband remains in Beirut for work. She worries about the possibility of an Israeli strike near her home, which has already been targeted multiple times since the last ceasefire in November. Even without open war, she fears a sudden strike might occur nearby.

Still, not everyone is ready to leave. Kawthar, 30, says her family will stay put unless evacuation becomes absolutely necessary. She notes that in view of her limited financial means, moving isn’t a viable option. Despite the stress and constant presence of Israeli drones overhead, they are trying to maintain a sense of normalcy.

Outside Beirut, the fear is just as real. Mustafa, 77, from Bint Jbeil, says the South has been under near-daily fire, and any new war would only worsen an already fragile situation. He fears Hezbollah could be drawn into battle under Iranian pressure, especially if the US becomes involved.

In the Bekaa, residents like Hussein from Hermel echo similar concerns. Having homes in both Hermel and the southern suburbs - areas frequently targeted - he asks the question on everyone’s mind: Where would we go this time?