Lebanon: French Initiative Under Political Lockdown

French President Emmanuel Macron and Lebanon’s President Michel Aoun wear face masks as they arrives to attend a meeting at the presidential palace in Baabda, Lebanon September 1, 2020. REUTERS/Gonzalo Fuentes/Pool/File Photo
French President Emmanuel Macron and Lebanon’s President Michel Aoun wear face masks as they arrives to attend a meeting at the presidential palace in Baabda, Lebanon September 1, 2020. REUTERS/Gonzalo Fuentes/Pool/File Photo
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Lebanon: French Initiative Under Political Lockdown

French President Emmanuel Macron and Lebanon’s President Michel Aoun wear face masks as they arrives to attend a meeting at the presidential palace in Baabda, Lebanon September 1, 2020. REUTERS/Gonzalo Fuentes/Pool/File Photo
French President Emmanuel Macron and Lebanon’s President Michel Aoun wear face masks as they arrives to attend a meeting at the presidential palace in Baabda, Lebanon September 1, 2020. REUTERS/Gonzalo Fuentes/Pool/File Photo

The French initiative in support of Lebanon seems to be heading towards a political lockdown unless President Emmanuel Macron manages to resolve the external obstacles hindering the formation of a new government.

However, this will not be achieved - at least in the foreseeable future - before the features of US President Joe Biden’s policy in the Middle East and Iran crystallize.

Macron’s initiative to rescue Lebanon set off from the disaster that befell Beirut as a result of the port explosion. The Lebanese people rushed to welcome the French president as he was inspecting the affected neighborhoods in the capital, amid a remarkable absence of state officials.

But Macron tried to use the popular reactions to put pressure on the traditional political forces, without turning towards major international and regional stakeholders to secure a political safety net that would fortify his initiative.

In this context, a political source told Asharq al-Awsat that Macron sought hard to save Lebanon, not only out of the distinguished relationship binding the latter to France, but also because he was deeply affected by the tragic scenes that he personally witnessed in the devastated Lebanese capital.

But the French president - according to the sources - was surprised while urging the political forces to form a strong government, by the American sanctions that targeted successively the head of the Free Patriotic Movement, MP Gebran Bassil, and former ministers Ali Hassan Khalil, Ghazi Zaiter and Youssef Fenianos, which hindered the cabinet’s formation.

He was also surprised that Tehran did not respond to his initiative, although he sought, through his work team, to persuade it to facilitate the government formation process. The sources said that Iran was not ready to ease his mission, because it preferred to use the Lebanese file as a card during its negotiations with the new US administration.

The political sources noted that Macron’s team made a mistake by not using a set of pressure papers that it could employ to soften Hezbollah’s position, and through it Tehran.

“Was the French president compelled to exclude pending political files from his initiative, specifically with regards to Lebanon’s defense strategy…?” The sources asked.

According to the sources, Macron made a mistake in negotiating with Hezbollah through his envoy to Beirut, Patrick Durel, who received reassurances from the party about facilitating the birth of the government but without asking it to pressure Aoun and Bassil for this purpose.

They inquired: “Why didn’t Hezbollah intervene to allow the success of the French initiative in a sign of gratitude to Paris, which is almost the only European capital that still distinguishes between the movement’s civil and military wings?”

Therefore, France’s inability to market its initiative lied in the fact that it assigned a team of amateurs to keep abreast of the ongoing contacts, specifically between Aoun and Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri, without this team directly interfering in the disputes still delaying the government formation.



Hezbollah’s ‘Statelet’ in Syria’s Qusayr Under Israeli Fire

Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
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Hezbollah’s ‘Statelet’ in Syria’s Qusayr Under Israeli Fire

Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)
Smoke billows from al-Qusayr in western Syria following an attack. (SANA)

Israel has expanded its strikes against Hezbollah in Syria by targeting the al-Qusayr region in Homs.

Israel intensified its campaign against Hezbollah in Lebanon in September and has in the process struck legal and illegal borders between Lebanon and Syria that are used to smuggle weapons to the Iran-backed party. Now, it has expanded its operations to areas of Hezbollah influence inside Syria itself.

Qusayr is located around 20 kms from the Lebanese border. Israeli strikes have destroyed several bridges in the area, including one stretching over the Assi River that is a vital connection between Qusayr and several towns in Homs’ eastern and western countrysides.

Israel has also hit main and side roads and Syrian regime checkpoints in the area.

The Israeli army announced that the latest attacks targeted roads that connect the Syrian side of the border to Lebanon and that are used to smuggle weapons to Hezbollah.

Qusayr is strategic position for Hezbollah. The Iran-backed party joined the fight alongside the Syrian regime against opposition factions in the early years of the Syrian conflict, which began in 2011. Hezbollah confirmed its involvement in Syria in 2013.

Hezbollah waged its earliest battles in Syria against the “Free Syrian Army” in Qusayr. After two months of fighting, the party captured the region in mid-June 2013. By then, it was completely destroyed and its population fled to Lebanon.

A source from the Syrian opposition said Hezbollah has turned Qusayr and its countryside to its own “statelet”.

It is now the backbone of its military power and the party has the final say in the area even though regime forces are deployed there, it told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Qusayr is critical for Hezbollah because of its close proximity to the Lebanese border,” it added.

Several of Qusayr’s residents have since returned to their homes. But the source clarified that only regime loyalists and people whom Hezbollah “approves” of have returned.

The region has become militarized by Hezbollah. It houses training centers for the party and Shiite militias loyal to Iran whose fighters are trained by Hezbollah, continued the source.

Since Israel intensified its attacks against Hezbollah in Lebanon, the party moved the majority of its fighters to Qusayr, where the party also stores large amounts of its weapons, it went on to say.

In 2016, Shiite Hezbollah staged a large military parade at the al-Dabaa airport in Qusayr that was seen as a message to the displaced residents, who are predominantly Sunni, that their return home will be impossible, stressed the source.

Even though the regime has deployed its forces in Qusayr, Hezbollah ultimately holds the greatest sway in the area.

Qusayr is therefore of paramount importance to Hezbollah, which will be in no way willing to cede control of.

Lebanese military expert Brig. Gen Saeed Al-Qazah told Asharq Al-Awsat that Qusayr is a “fundamental logistic position for Hezbollah.”

He explained that it is where the party builds its rockets and drones that are delivered from Iran. It is also where the party builds the launchpads for firing its Katyusha and grad rockets.

Qazah added that Qusayr is also significant for its proximity to Lebanon’s al-Hermel city and northeastern Bekaa region where Hezbollah enjoys popular support and where its arms deliveries pass through on their way to the South.

Qazah noted that Israel has not limited its strikes in Qusayr to bridges and main and side roads, but it has also hit trucks headed to Lebanon, stressing that Israel has its eyes focused deep inside Syria, not just the border.