Aoun Floats Idea of Lebanese Military Govt to ‘Save’ Bassil

President Michel Aoun recieves PM Saad Hariri at the Baabda palace in 2019. (NNA)
President Michel Aoun recieves PM Saad Hariri at the Baabda palace in 2019. (NNA)
TT

Aoun Floats Idea of Lebanese Military Govt to ‘Save’ Bassil

President Michel Aoun recieves PM Saad Hariri at the Baabda palace in 2019. (NNA)
President Michel Aoun recieves PM Saad Hariri at the Baabda palace in 2019. (NNA)

A Lebanese parliamentary source warned of a “trap” being set up by President Michel Aoun to transform the Supreme Defense Council into a new military government in an attempt to “save” his heir and son-in-law Jebran Bassil.

The source explained that Aoun is attempting to exploit the current political deadlock and ongoing coronavirus pandemic to declare the formation of a military government, similar to the one he headed in 1988 during the country’s 15-year civil war.

The military government would replace the current caretaker one headed by Premier Hassan Diab, who opposes the proposal, the source told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Aoun’s plan coincides with the “insistence” of Bassil’s Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) to drag the Progressive Socialist Party and Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri’s Mustaqbal Movement towards a political dispute. Bassil would seek to exploit the dispute to bring forward the proposal to form a military government.

The source said that Aoun had relentlessly tried to use his position as head of the military cabinet to become president. He launched the “war of liberation” against Syrian military deployment in Lebanon and the “war of elimination” against the Lebanese Forces, headed by Samir Geagea, in order to control Christian regions.

He added, however, that Aoun misjudged the regional and international circumstances surrounding Lebanon at the time, which forced him to seek refuge at the French embassy. The Syrian regime later received the greenlight from the United States to eliminate Aoun’s role, prompting him to seek exile in France.

The source said that Aoun is again trying to repeat his experience from 1988 in order to “save” Bassil, whose popularity took a nosedive in wake of the 2019 popular protests and last year’s US sanctions against him.

He added that Aoun is exploiting his presidency of the Supreme Defense Council given that the caretaker government is not convening. The council, said the source, has proven to be ineffective in addressing Lebanon’s stifling economic crisis and surge in coronavirus cases.

Diab has refrained from convening the cabinet to allow Hariri the opportunity form a new government. Those efforts have, however, been met with Aoun’s pressure on Hariri to step down.

The source stressed that the Supreme Defense Council cannot replace an effective government, whose formation is being hampered by Aoun, who already knows that his efforts to drive Hariri to resign will fail.

So what is the point of the president pursuing this line of action? wondered the source, noting that the Supreme Defense Council does not even enjoy any executive power to implement its recommendations.

He also questioned Hariri’s reasons for remaining silent and refraining from frankly addressing the Lebanese to explain the causes of the delay in the government formation.

The source said that Aoun is aware that his presidential term is a failure, even though his political entourage remains in denial and continues to extol his “achievements”. The president is seeking to embarrass Hariri to push him to either resign or yield to his conditions to “save” Bassil.

The source added that Aoun has gone so far as to stoke sectarian sentiments between the Druze PSP and Sunni Mustaqbal in order to divert attention from the government formation process.

The PSP and Mustaqbal are unlikely to fall for the trap because they will opt against giving Aoun an excuse to further exploit sectarian sentiments.

From a FPM standpoint, a sectarian division would embarrass Christian forces opposed to Aoun and Bassil and push Maronite Patriarch Beshara al-Rai to abandon his call on the president and Hariri to reconcile in order to form a new cabinet.

As it stands, Aoun and Bassil find themselves isolated without any Christian support and are relying on the backing offered by their ally, Hezbollah, which in turn does not favor any sectarian dispute.

Significantly, the FPM is avoiding attacking Speaker Nabih Berri, a Shiite and ally of the fellow Shiite Hezbollah. An attack against the speaker, who supports Hariri’s stand, would reshuffle the cards in Lebanon and perhaps even pave the way for Hezbollah to review its calculations. The party would stand against any attack against its main ally to avoid any divisions within its main popular Shiite base.



Jamal Mustafa: Saddam and Other Iraqi Officials Headed to the Gallows with Heads Held High

Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
TT

Jamal Mustafa: Saddam and Other Iraqi Officials Headed to the Gallows with Heads Held High

Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Saddam Hussein’s entourage never expected that they would one day find themselves in jail. It never occurred to them that the American military machine would use all of its might to oust Saddam’s regime and overthrow the ruling party and army. They never believed that forces allied to Iran would assume positions of power in the new regime.

Times changed and Saddam, who controlled the fate of the nation and its people, found himself in prison where he counted the days until his execution. The man was unyielding until his last breath and his will remained unbroken.

The men who made up the Revolutionary Command Council or government soon found themselves in prison. They were interrogated by the Americans and Iraqis and a death sentence was always going to be their fate.

In the second installment of his interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, Dr. Jamal Mustafa al-Sultan, late Iraqi President Saddam Hussein’s son-in-law and second secretary, recalled the execution of his colleagues and relatives. He also recalled how he married Hala, the youngest of Saddam’s daughters, and how the late president acted around his family, away from state affairs.

Other officials who were held along with Saddam included “Vice President Taha Yassin Ramadan, my uncle and member of the Revolutionary Command Council Ali Hussein al-Majid, my other uncle Abed Hassan al-Majid, head of the Revolutionary Command Council Awad al-Bandar, Saddam’s half-brother Barzan Ibrahim al-Hassan, Secretary Abed Hammoud and aide to the intelligence chief Farouk Hijazi,” said Mustafa.

He showed Asharq Al-Awsat a video that recently came to light of Khodair al-Khozaei, the former vice president during the American occupation. “In it, he said that he saw no justification for the death sentence against Abed Hammoud. Most dangerous of all, he confessed that he visited Iran and consulted with a judicial official, who encouraged him to sign the death sentence, which he did,” added Mustafa.

“The truth is that we sensed from the beginning that our trial was a means of revenge acting at Iran’s orders. One day, Abed Hammoud was informed that he was going to be moved to hospital and later that day the guards informed us that he was executed,” he continued.

“Mr. President (Saddam) expected to be executed. The truth is that his very existence, whether in jail or otherwise, was a source of concern for them. I can firmly attest that the members of the leadership bravely faced their death sentence. None of them showed any weakness or faltered,” he revealed.

He recalled the day they informed Barzan and Awad that they were going to be executed. “I was working out with al-Bandar when we received the news. I am not exaggerating when I say that he maintained his optimism even in that moment. They were executed the next day. Days later, I learned that Abed Hassan al-Majid, Farouk Hijazi and Hadi Hassan, an intelligence officer, were executed,” Mustafa said.

“Let me tell you what used to happen. One day, they came up with false charges that before the US occupation, I gave Mr. Khamis al-Khanjar (a Sunni politician) a sum of 250,000 dollars. Of course, the charge is baseless. They told me that I would remain in jail for life if I did not confess to the charge. I refused and told them that I enjoyed normal relations with Khanjar,” he went on to say.

“They later came up with a different scenario. They told me that they would take me to the Iraqi embassy in Jordan if I confessed to the charge and that I would late be released in Amman with a hefty sum of money. I told them that I would reject whatever they have to offer because I would not abandon my values to betray Khanjar, who was a friend,” he stated.

“They later accused me of complicity in the draining of the Mesopotamian Marshes, which I had nothing to do with,” he added.

Saddam Hussein with his daughter Hala in this undated photo. (Getty Images)

First call after Saddam’s execution

Mustafa recalled the first telephone call he had with his wife Hala and her mother, Sajida Khairallah Talfah, right after Saddam’s execution. “Five days after Mr. President’s martyrdom, I contacted my family. I spoke with my wife, and she was in very good spirits. She had very high faith and patience. I asked her about her mother, and she reassured me that she was also doing very well despite the pain,” he said.

“I pray that Gold Almighty will give her health and a long life. We have always derived our strength from her. My mother-in-law lost her two sons, Uday and Qusay, and then her husband. She had played a major role in supporting her husband from the beginning of his struggle. She always used to support him and stood by him throughout his career,” he remarked.

First meetings with Saddam

Mustafa recalled the early days of his meeting with Saddam. “They started when I began working for his special guard. That was when I first met him. Like most Iraqis and Arabs, I believed that he would be a difficult person, but the truth is that I saw him as a paternal figure,” he added. “When you work with him, you begin to develop a different opinion than the public impression. He was a very paternal figure.”

During their first meeting, they learned that they came from the same tribe and were distant cousins.

“I stayed by Mr. President’s side for around 20 years. I started off as part of his personal guard and he then tasked me with people’s affairs, meaning seeing to their needs and addressing their problems. He was very concerned with the people’s affairs and refused any one of them to be wronged. The truth is that many laws were amended or changed at the time following complaints from the people,” he revealed.

“There were two telephones at Mr. President’s office, and both were connected to my office. Whoever had a problem could call the president through the citizens’ line. I used to answer their calls and listen to their problems and set an appointment with the president. Sometimes I used to ask the caller to come in person with their request so that their problem could be tackled. Sometimes Mr. President would interject on the call to ask about the issue and would request to talk to the citizen on the line,” Mustafa said.

“He would listen to the person’s grievance and tell him to head to the dedicated office to tackle the issue. (...) So we used to receive hundreds of citizens every week to solve their problems. Mr. President was very concerned about these issues,” he stressed. “I have never met another person like him. He would listen, care and then come up with a solution.”

President’s son-in-law

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Mustafa about when he asked Hala to marry him. “It was in 1994. As is the tradition in Iraq, I headed with my uncles to Saddam’s family to ask her hand in marriage,” he said. “One of my uncles made the request to Mr. President on my behalf and he agreed and welcomed it.”

“A judge was summoned immediately for the ceremony, and we were married. We had lunch at the president’s house that same day. I first met Hala on September 12, and we were married on September 26. It was a short engagement in line with tradition.”

“Mr. President used to separate state affairs from his relationship with his family. His work was completely separate from family, which had nothing to do with political or state affairs. It never intervened in those issues. Mr. President was a man of state when he was doing his job, and a father when he came home. He treated his family as if he were its father – the perfect father. Every family wishes to have a father that can measure up to him because he looked after all of his children and all of his relatives,” Mustafa said.

“When he sat down to the dinner table, he himself used to serve his own food and ask his children about their day. He would serve them food and generally cared very much for them. The state is one thing and family is another. At the same time, he acted as a father to all Iraqis. He treated them fairly. This is Saddam Hussein,” stressed Mustafa. “He was always keen that Iraqis be treated justly and that none of them be wronged. He was also very firm with his children if they made any mistake.”

Saddam’s hobbies

Saddam was a “very traditional Arab man. He loved traditional Arab and Iraqi dishes. He himself used to cook his own version of the traditional Iraqi dish al-Habeet. (...) He also loved seafood and would cook the Masgouf fish dish himself,” Mustafa told Asharq Al-Awsat.

His hobbies included horseback riding, hunting, swimming and sharpshooting. “Occasionally, before heading to the front to fight against Iran, he would visit the al-Amarah region, where gazelle and geese are abundant, to hunt. As circumstances became more challenging, he limited himself to fishing, which he did regularly,” he added.

He was a skilled shooter from his youth. “Generally, growing up in a tribe, children are taught at a young age how to become a good shooter. This is part of our upbringing. He was also an avid reader. He was always reading something,” Mustafa said of Saddam.