Lebanon and the Arabs: Amending Relations Achieves Joint Interests

Lebanon's Central Bank facade is defaced by protesters. (Reuters file photo)
Lebanon's Central Bank facade is defaced by protesters. (Reuters file photo)
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Lebanon and the Arabs: Amending Relations Achieves Joint Interests

Lebanon's Central Bank facade is defaced by protesters. (Reuters file photo)
Lebanon's Central Bank facade is defaced by protesters. (Reuters file photo)

Lebanon has long enjoyed unique political, economic and social relations with its Arab environment. These ties often overcame political disputes related to Lebanon’s identity and role. These disputes date back to the time of its independence from French mandate in 1943 and persist to this day. Lebanon has managed to withstand all the turbulence of the past decades, even its 1975-90 civil war, but now finds itself confronted with its worst crisis since its inception.

The clash that had erupted between Lebanon’s Muslims and Christians over the country’s Arabism soon disappeared with the discovery of oil in the Gulf, which reshaped the politics and relations in the region. When Lebanon was caught in the dispute between Muslim demands that it merge with Syria and the Arab world and Christian ones that it follow France and the West a reconciliation, known as the national pact, was struck. The pact was forged in the typical Lebanese way that appeases all sides and left no one with a sense of defeat. It retained Lebanon’s borders that were declared in the 1920s and cemented the nation as an independent Arab country.

Politically, debates continued to rage for decades over Lebanon’s identity and Arabism. They peaked during the times of unrest and Arab-Israeli military conflicts. Those conflicts would reverberate inside Lebanon, which was divided over its political, cultural and sectarian identities. These divisions were exemplified in the 1958 “revolt” against an attempt to drag Lebanon towards foreign axes with the aim of altering its identity and role.

Decades later, the 1989 Taif Accord, which helped end the civil war, would completely settle the issue of Lebanon’s Arab identity. The pact would amend the introduction of the Lebanese constitution, which now stipulates that “Lebanon is Arab in identity” and a founding member of the Arab League, whose charter it is committed to.

1950s and 60s prosperity
The occupation of Palestine and declaration of the formation of Israel in 1948 led to a widespread Arab boycott of the new country. This led to a boycott of Palestinian ports, which came under occupation, shifting the attention to Lebanon’s Beirut and Tripoli ports. Trade consequently flourished between Lebanon and the Arab world.

Lebanon’s liberal economy and banking system helped raise trust in it and led to more Arab and Gulf capital to flow in, in the shape of bank deposits, transactions, investments and others. Moreover, the country’s cultural diversity, which had attracted several foreign missions, helped build solid potential in several fields. Graduates of the American University of Beirut, which was founded by missionaries in 1866, and Saint Joseph University, founded in 1872, would land jobs in the Gulf region, which they helped develop.

Needless to say, the Lebanese diaspora also helped bolster Lebanon’s economy and society. Lebanon became a focal point for Gulf students where they could earn an education at its prestigious universities and the Gulf attracted the Lebanese for employment opportunities. Tourism also thrived in Lebanon during the 1950s and 60s, attracting people from all over the globe.

Civil war
All of the above took a massive hit with the eruption of the civil war in 1978. The conflict cost Lebanon its regional standing, even as Arab initiatives to resolve the war poured in. Among them was a proposal by Kuwait’s late Emir Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jaber Al-Sabah, who was then foreign minister. Current President Michel Aoun, who was then army commander, rejected the proposal, as he did the Taif Accord months later.

In the post-war period, Arab support for Lebanon’s reconstruction poured in. Arabs, led by Saudi Arabia, took part in international conferences for its reconstruction, notably the Paris 1, 2 and 3 meetings. Later, friendly Arab governments and funds would finance the rebuilding of infrastructure, roads, bridges, government hospitals and others. They would also play a role in rebuilding what Israel destroyed in its offensives against Lebanon in 1993, 1996 and 2006. To demonstrate the extent of the outpouring of support for Lebanon, an international report some five years ago revealed that between 1990 and 2015 Saudi Arabia alone offered some 50 billion dollars in support for Lebanon in the shape of official aid, private direct investments, loans, foreign transactions by expatriates and others.

Four factors

- Lebanese-Gulf economic ties are based on economic and trade exchange, whereby Lebanon’s imports outweigh its exports.

- They are based on Gulf deposits in Lebanese banks, many of which have since been withdrawn after the 2019 anti-government protests and the beginning of Lebanon’s economic collapse.

- Lebanese expatriates working in the Gulf and their financial remittances to Lebanon. These remittances are continuing and are a main factor in propping up the economy amid the collapse and severe shortage of dollars in the country.

- Gulf investments in Lebanon: They were focused primarily in the real estate sector, but have since waned when Lebanon’s ties with the Arabs deteriorated with the eruption of the Syrian conflict in 2011. Reports have said that more and more Gulf nationals are selling their properties in Lebanon.

Road to collapse
Lebanon has for years been suffering from a major deficit in its public budget. Its spending always outweighed its revenues due to massive waste and corruption. The electricity sector is the greatest source of losses, estimated at 2 billion dollars annually, which is massive compared to Lebanon’s small size.

The eruption of anti-government protests in October 2019 compounded the situation and deepened mistrust with the banking system and the country’s largely corrupt rulers. With the passing months, the deposits were withdrawn from Lebanon and transferred abroad, a move that contrasted sharply to they heyday when the banking sector used to attract billions of dollars from abroad. The move of deposits led to the severe shortage in foreign currencies, pushing Lebanon to stop pegging the pound to the dollar, leading it to slump to unprecedented lows, as much as 9,000 pounds to the dollar. To stem the flow of deposits, banks have imposed severe restrictions on withdrawals, depriving people of their savings.

The decline in the currency led to a drop in the people’s purchasing power, coupled with an astronomical rise in the prices of goods, and poverty that has climbed to 45 percent of the population. The country is also faced with a shortage in goods caused by the lack of dollars, which the state uses to import products. The dire reality naturally led to a brain drain with many people leaving Lebanon for much better living conditions abroad, dealing the country a blow to its once lofty standing in the region.

Future cooperation
Lebanese- Arab and -Gulf relations have never witnessed such lows.

During previous times of tumult, the readiness by both sides to resolve any dispute was always very high. It was unheard of that relations could reach such a low point. Gulf policies towards Lebanon had long been based on maintaining communication with all Lebanese political components without discrimination. Gulf countries were also always very firm in supporting the Lebanese state and containing foreign meddling, especially by influential non-Arab regional powers.

Of course, the attacks and criticism by some Lebanese parties against Gulf countries and their policies have had a major impact on the overall collapse of the historic ties. And this is deliberate. Lebanon is being forced to join axes - which are hostile to the Arab identity - that contradict its structure and natural position in the Arab world. This inevitably demands a review of the political boycott and resumption of natural relations, because this alone will help achieve the desired balance, especially when confronted with the possibility that a new Arab territory could be lost to foreign meddling.

Lebanon and the Gulf are demanded to restore their historic bonds. This starts with rebuilding political ties, which in turn will pave the way for rebuilding economic and social ones and eventually the restoration of investments and businesses. Lebanon cannot breathe without its Arab and Gulf lungs. This is its natural position and it must be restored because the political cost of its loss is much higher than the cost of regaining it.



Beirut’s Commodore Hotel, a Haven for Journalists During Lebanon’s Civil War, Shuts Down

People stand outside the closed Commodore hotel, in Beirut, Lebanon, Sunday, Jan. 11, 2026. (AP)
People stand outside the closed Commodore hotel, in Beirut, Lebanon, Sunday, Jan. 11, 2026. (AP)
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Beirut’s Commodore Hotel, a Haven for Journalists During Lebanon’s Civil War, Shuts Down

People stand outside the closed Commodore hotel, in Beirut, Lebanon, Sunday, Jan. 11, 2026. (AP)
People stand outside the closed Commodore hotel, in Beirut, Lebanon, Sunday, Jan. 11, 2026. (AP)

During Lebanon’s civil war, the Commodore Hotel in western Beirut's Hamra district became iconic among the foreign press corps.

For many, it served as an unofficial newsroom where they could file dispatches even when communications systems were down elsewhere. Armed guards at the door provided some sense of protection as sniper fights and shelling were turning the cosmopolitan city to rubble.

The hotel even had its own much-loved mascot: a cheeky parrot.

The Commodore endured for decades after the 15-year civil war ended in 1990 — until this week, when it closed for good.

The main gate of the nine-story hotel with more than 200 rooms was shuttered Monday. Officials at the Commodore refused to speak to the media about the decision to close.

Although the country’s economy is beginning to recover from a protracted financial crisis that began in 2019, tensions in the region and the aftermath of the Israel-Hezbollah war that was halted by a tenuous ceasefire in November 2024 are keeping many tourists away. Lengthy daily electricity cuts force businesses to rely on expensive private generators.

The Commodore is not the first of the crisis-battered country’s once-bustling hotels to shut down in recent years.

But for journalists who lived, worked and filed their dispatches there, its demise hits particularly hard.

“The Commodore was a hub of information — various guerrilla leaders, diplomats, spies and of course scores of journalists circled the cafes and lounges,” said Tim Llewellyn, a former BBC Middle East correspondent who covered the civil war. “On one occasion (late Palestinian leader) Yasser Arafat himself dropped in to sip coffee with” with the hotel manager's father, he recalled.

A line to the outside world

At the height of the civil war, when telecommunications were dysfunctional and much of Beirut was cut off from the outside world, it was at the Commodore where journalists found land lines and Telex machines that always worked to send reports to their media organizations around the globe.

Across the front office desk in the wide lobby of the Commodore, there were two teleprinters that carried reports of The Associated Press and Reuters news agencies.

“The Commodore had a certain seedy charm. The rooms were basic, the mattresses lumpy and the meal fare wasn’t spectacular,” said Robert H. Reid, the AP’s former Middle East regional editor, who was among the AP journalists who covered the war. The hotel was across the street from the international agency’s Middle East head office at the time.

“The friendly staff and the camaraderie among the journalist-guests made the Commodore seem more like a social club where you could unwind after a day in one of the world’s most dangerous cities,” Reid said.

Llewellyn remembers that the hotel manager at the time, Yusuf Nazzal, told him in the late 1970s “that it was I who had given him the idea” to open such a hotel in a war zone.

Llewellyn said that during a long chat with Nazzal on a near-empty Middle East Airlines Jumbo flight from London to Beirut in the fall of 1975, he told him that there should be a hotel that would make sure journalists had good communications, “a street-wise and well-connected staff running the desks, the phones, the teletypes.”

During Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon and a nearly three-month siege of West Beirut by Israeli troops, journalists used the roof of the hotel to film fighter jets striking the city.

The parrot

One of the best-known characters at the Commodore was Coco the parrot, who was always in a cage near the bar. Patrons were often startled by what they thought was the whiz of an incoming shell, only to discover that it was Coco who made the sound.

AP’s chief Middle East correspondent Terry Anderson was a regular at the hotel before he was kidnapped in Beirut in 1985 and held for seven years, becoming one of the longest-held American hostages in history.

Videos of Anderson released by his kidnappers later showed him wearing a white T-shirt with the words “Hotel Commodore Lebanon.”

With the kidnapping of Anderson and other Western journalists, many foreign media workers left the predominantly-Muslim western part of Beirut, and after that the hotel lost its status as a safe haven for foreign journalists.

Ahmad Shbaro, who worked at different departments of the hotel until 1988, said the main reason behind the Commodore’s success was the presence of armed guards that made journalists feel secure in the middle of Beirut’s chaos as well as functioning telecommunications.

He added that the hotel also offered financial facilities for journalists who ran out of money. They would borrow money from Nazzal and their companies could pay him back by depositing money in his bank account in London.

Shbaro remembers a terrifying day in the late 1970s when the area of the hotel was heavily shelled and two rooms at the Commodore were hit.

“The hotel was full and all of us, staffers and journalists, spent the night at Le Casbah,” a famous nightclub in the basement of the building, he said.

In quieter times, journalists used to spend the night partying by the pool.

“It was a lifeline for the international media in West Beirut, where journalists filed, ate, slept, and hid from air raids, shelling, and other violence,” said former AP correspondent Scheherezade Faramarzi.

“It gained both fame and notoriety,” she said, speaking from the Mediterranean island of Cyprus.

The hotel was built in 1943 and kept functioning until 1987 when it was heavily damaged in fighting between Shiite and Druze militiamen at the time. The old Commodore building was later demolished and a new structure was build with an annex and officially opened again for the public in 1996.

But Coco the parrot was no longer at the bar. The bird went missing during the 1987 fighting. Shbaro said it is believed he was taken by one of the gunmen who stormed the hotel.


Key Details of Greenland’s Rich but Largely Untapped Mineral Resources

Houses covered by snow are seen on the coast of a sea inlet of Nuuk, Greenland, on Monday, Jan. 12, 2026. (AP)
Houses covered by snow are seen on the coast of a sea inlet of Nuuk, Greenland, on Monday, Jan. 12, 2026. (AP)
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Key Details of Greenland’s Rich but Largely Untapped Mineral Resources

Houses covered by snow are seen on the coast of a sea inlet of Nuuk, Greenland, on Monday, Jan. 12, 2026. (AP)
Houses covered by snow are seen on the coast of a sea inlet of Nuuk, Greenland, on Monday, Jan. 12, 2026. (AP)

The Danish and Greenlandic foreign ministers will meet US Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Wednesday after President Donald Trump recently
stepped up threats to take over Greenland.

The autonomous territory of Denmark could be useful for the ​United States because of its strategic location and rich mineral resources. A 2023 survey showed that 25 of 34 minerals deemed "critical raw materials" by the European Commission were found in Greenland.

The extraction of oil and natural gas is banned in Greenland for environmental reasons, while development of its mining sector has been snarled in red tape and opposition from indigenous people.

Below are details of Greenland's main mineral deposits, based on data from its Mineral Resources Authority:

RARE EARTHS
Three of Greenland's biggest deposits are located in the southern province of Gardar.

Companies ‌seeking to ‌develop rare-earth mines are Critical Metals Corp, which bought the ‌Tanbreez ⁠deposit, ​Energy Transition Minerals, ‌whose Kuannersuit project is stalled amid legal disputes, and Neo Performance Materials.

Rare-earth elements are key to permanent magnets used in electric vehicles (EV) and wind turbines.

GRAPHITE
Occurrences of graphite and graphite schist are reported from many localities on the island.
GreenRoc has applied for an exploitation license to develop the Amitsoq graphite project.
Natural graphite is mostly used in EV batteries and steelmaking.

COPPER
According to the Mineral Resources Authority, most copper deposits have drawn only limited exploration campaigns.

Especially interesting are the underexplored areas ⁠in the northeast and center-east of Greenland, it said.

London-listed 80 Mile is seeking to develop the Disko-Nuussuaq deposit, which has ‌copper, nickel, platinum and cobalt.

NICKEL
Traces of nickel accumulations are numerous, ‍according to the Mineral Resources Authority.

Major miner ‍Anglo American was granted an exploration license in western Greenland in 2019 and has ‍been looking for nickel deposits, among others.

ZINC
Zinc is mostly found in the north in a geologic formation that stretches more than 2,500 km (1,550 miles).

Companies have sought to develop the Citronen Fjord zinc and lead project, which had been billed as one of the world's largest undeveloped zinc resources.

GOLD
The most prospective ​areas for gold potential are situated around the Sermiligaarsuk fjord in the country's south.

Amaroq Minerals launched a gold mine last year in Mt Nalunaq in ⁠the Kujalleq Municipality.

DIAMONDS
While most small diamonds and the largest stones are found in the island's west, their presence in other regions may also be significant.

IRON ORE
Deposits are located at Isua in southern West Greenland, at Itilliarsuk in central West Greenland, and in North West Greenland along the Lauge Koch Kyst.

TITANIUM-VANADIUM
Known deposits of titanium and vanadium are in the southwest, the east and south.

Titanium is used for commercial, medical and industrial purposes, while vanadium is mainly used to produce specialty steel alloys. The most important industrial vanadium compound, vanadium pentoxide, is used as a catalyst for the production of sulfuric acid.

TUNGSTEN
Used for several industrial applications, tungsten is mostly found in the central-east and northeast of the country, with assessed deposits in the south and west.

URANIUM
In 2021, ‌the then-ruling left-wing Inuit Ataqatigiit party banned uranium mining, effectively halting development of the Kuannersuit rare-earths project, which has uranium as a byproduct.


The West Bank Football Field Slated for Demolition by Israel

Israeli army bulldozers pass buildings during a military operation in Nur Shams refugee camp, near the West Bank city of Tulkarem, 12 January 2026. (EPA)
Israeli army bulldozers pass buildings during a military operation in Nur Shams refugee camp, near the West Bank city of Tulkarem, 12 January 2026. (EPA)
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The West Bank Football Field Slated for Demolition by Israel

Israeli army bulldozers pass buildings during a military operation in Nur Shams refugee camp, near the West Bank city of Tulkarem, 12 January 2026. (EPA)
Israeli army bulldozers pass buildings during a military operation in Nur Shams refugee camp, near the West Bank city of Tulkarem, 12 January 2026. (EPA)

Israeli authorities have ordered the demolition of a football field in a crowded refugee camp in the occupied West Bank, eliminating one of the few ​spaces where Palestinian children are able to run and play.

"If the field gets demolished, this will destroy our dreams and our future. We cannot play any other place but this field, the camp does not have spaces," said Rital Sarhan, 13, who plays on a girls' soccer team in the Aida refugee camp near Bethlehem.

The Israeli military ‌issued a demolition ‌order for the field on ‌December ⁠31, ​saying ‌it was built illegally in an area that abuts the concrete barrier wall that Israel built in the West Bank.

"Along the security fence, a seizure order and a construction prohibition order are in effect; therefore, the construction in the area was carried out unlawfully," the Israeli military said in a statement.

Mohammad Abu ⁠Srour, an administrator at Aida Youth Center, which manages the field, said the ‌military gave them seven days to demolish ‍the field.

The Israeli military ‍often orders Palestinians to carry out demolitions themselves. If they ‍do not act, the military steps in to destroy the structure in question and then sends the Palestinians a bill for the costs.

According to Abu Srour, Israel's military told residents when delivering ​the demolition order that the football field represented a threat to the separation wall and to Israelis.

"I ⁠do not know how this is possible," he said.

Israeli demolitions have drawn widespread international criticism and coincide with heightened fears among Palestinians of an organized effort by Israel to formally annex the West Bank, the area seized by Israel in the 1967 Middle East war.

Israel accelerated demolitions in Palestinian refugee camps in early 2025, leading to the displacement of 32,000 residents of camps in the central and northern West Bank.

Human Rights Watch has called the demolitions a war crime. ‌Israel has said they are intended to disrupt militant activity.