Lebanon and the Arabs: Amending Relations Achieves Joint Interests

Lebanon's Central Bank facade is defaced by protesters. (Reuters file photo)
Lebanon's Central Bank facade is defaced by protesters. (Reuters file photo)
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Lebanon and the Arabs: Amending Relations Achieves Joint Interests

Lebanon's Central Bank facade is defaced by protesters. (Reuters file photo)
Lebanon's Central Bank facade is defaced by protesters. (Reuters file photo)

Lebanon has long enjoyed unique political, economic and social relations with its Arab environment. These ties often overcame political disputes related to Lebanon’s identity and role. These disputes date back to the time of its independence from French mandate in 1943 and persist to this day. Lebanon has managed to withstand all the turbulence of the past decades, even its 1975-90 civil war, but now finds itself confronted with its worst crisis since its inception.

The clash that had erupted between Lebanon’s Muslims and Christians over the country’s Arabism soon disappeared with the discovery of oil in the Gulf, which reshaped the politics and relations in the region. When Lebanon was caught in the dispute between Muslim demands that it merge with Syria and the Arab world and Christian ones that it follow France and the West a reconciliation, known as the national pact, was struck. The pact was forged in the typical Lebanese way that appeases all sides and left no one with a sense of defeat. It retained Lebanon’s borders that were declared in the 1920s and cemented the nation as an independent Arab country.

Politically, debates continued to rage for decades over Lebanon’s identity and Arabism. They peaked during the times of unrest and Arab-Israeli military conflicts. Those conflicts would reverberate inside Lebanon, which was divided over its political, cultural and sectarian identities. These divisions were exemplified in the 1958 “revolt” against an attempt to drag Lebanon towards foreign axes with the aim of altering its identity and role.

Decades later, the 1989 Taif Accord, which helped end the civil war, would completely settle the issue of Lebanon’s Arab identity. The pact would amend the introduction of the Lebanese constitution, which now stipulates that “Lebanon is Arab in identity” and a founding member of the Arab League, whose charter it is committed to.

1950s and 60s prosperity
The occupation of Palestine and declaration of the formation of Israel in 1948 led to a widespread Arab boycott of the new country. This led to a boycott of Palestinian ports, which came under occupation, shifting the attention to Lebanon’s Beirut and Tripoli ports. Trade consequently flourished between Lebanon and the Arab world.

Lebanon’s liberal economy and banking system helped raise trust in it and led to more Arab and Gulf capital to flow in, in the shape of bank deposits, transactions, investments and others. Moreover, the country’s cultural diversity, which had attracted several foreign missions, helped build solid potential in several fields. Graduates of the American University of Beirut, which was founded by missionaries in 1866, and Saint Joseph University, founded in 1872, would land jobs in the Gulf region, which they helped develop.

Needless to say, the Lebanese diaspora also helped bolster Lebanon’s economy and society. Lebanon became a focal point for Gulf students where they could earn an education at its prestigious universities and the Gulf attracted the Lebanese for employment opportunities. Tourism also thrived in Lebanon during the 1950s and 60s, attracting people from all over the globe.

Civil war
All of the above took a massive hit with the eruption of the civil war in 1978. The conflict cost Lebanon its regional standing, even as Arab initiatives to resolve the war poured in. Among them was a proposal by Kuwait’s late Emir Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jaber Al-Sabah, who was then foreign minister. Current President Michel Aoun, who was then army commander, rejected the proposal, as he did the Taif Accord months later.

In the post-war period, Arab support for Lebanon’s reconstruction poured in. Arabs, led by Saudi Arabia, took part in international conferences for its reconstruction, notably the Paris 1, 2 and 3 meetings. Later, friendly Arab governments and funds would finance the rebuilding of infrastructure, roads, bridges, government hospitals and others. They would also play a role in rebuilding what Israel destroyed in its offensives against Lebanon in 1993, 1996 and 2006. To demonstrate the extent of the outpouring of support for Lebanon, an international report some five years ago revealed that between 1990 and 2015 Saudi Arabia alone offered some 50 billion dollars in support for Lebanon in the shape of official aid, private direct investments, loans, foreign transactions by expatriates and others.

Four factors

- Lebanese-Gulf economic ties are based on economic and trade exchange, whereby Lebanon’s imports outweigh its exports.

- They are based on Gulf deposits in Lebanese banks, many of which have since been withdrawn after the 2019 anti-government protests and the beginning of Lebanon’s economic collapse.

- Lebanese expatriates working in the Gulf and their financial remittances to Lebanon. These remittances are continuing and are a main factor in propping up the economy amid the collapse and severe shortage of dollars in the country.

- Gulf investments in Lebanon: They were focused primarily in the real estate sector, but have since waned when Lebanon’s ties with the Arabs deteriorated with the eruption of the Syrian conflict in 2011. Reports have said that more and more Gulf nationals are selling their properties in Lebanon.

Road to collapse
Lebanon has for years been suffering from a major deficit in its public budget. Its spending always outweighed its revenues due to massive waste and corruption. The electricity sector is the greatest source of losses, estimated at 2 billion dollars annually, which is massive compared to Lebanon’s small size.

The eruption of anti-government protests in October 2019 compounded the situation and deepened mistrust with the banking system and the country’s largely corrupt rulers. With the passing months, the deposits were withdrawn from Lebanon and transferred abroad, a move that contrasted sharply to they heyday when the banking sector used to attract billions of dollars from abroad. The move of deposits led to the severe shortage in foreign currencies, pushing Lebanon to stop pegging the pound to the dollar, leading it to slump to unprecedented lows, as much as 9,000 pounds to the dollar. To stem the flow of deposits, banks have imposed severe restrictions on withdrawals, depriving people of their savings.

The decline in the currency led to a drop in the people’s purchasing power, coupled with an astronomical rise in the prices of goods, and poverty that has climbed to 45 percent of the population. The country is also faced with a shortage in goods caused by the lack of dollars, which the state uses to import products. The dire reality naturally led to a brain drain with many people leaving Lebanon for much better living conditions abroad, dealing the country a blow to its once lofty standing in the region.

Future cooperation
Lebanese- Arab and -Gulf relations have never witnessed such lows.

During previous times of tumult, the readiness by both sides to resolve any dispute was always very high. It was unheard of that relations could reach such a low point. Gulf policies towards Lebanon had long been based on maintaining communication with all Lebanese political components without discrimination. Gulf countries were also always very firm in supporting the Lebanese state and containing foreign meddling, especially by influential non-Arab regional powers.

Of course, the attacks and criticism by some Lebanese parties against Gulf countries and their policies have had a major impact on the overall collapse of the historic ties. And this is deliberate. Lebanon is being forced to join axes - which are hostile to the Arab identity - that contradict its structure and natural position in the Arab world. This inevitably demands a review of the political boycott and resumption of natural relations, because this alone will help achieve the desired balance, especially when confronted with the possibility that a new Arab territory could be lost to foreign meddling.

Lebanon and the Gulf are demanded to restore their historic bonds. This starts with rebuilding political ties, which in turn will pave the way for rebuilding economic and social ones and eventually the restoration of investments and businesses. Lebanon cannot breathe without its Arab and Gulf lungs. This is its natural position and it must be restored because the political cost of its loss is much higher than the cost of regaining it.



Who’s in the Frame to Be Lebanon’s Next President?

The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
TT

Who’s in the Frame to Be Lebanon’s Next President?

The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)

Lebanon's parliament will attempt to elect a new head of state on Thursday, with officials seeing better odds of success in a political landscape shaken by Israel's assault on Hezbollah and the toppling of the group's ally Bashar al-Assad in Syria.

The post, reserved for a Maronite Christian in the sectarian power-sharing system, has been vacant since Michel Aoun's term ended in October 2022.

While there are always many Maronite hopefuls, including the leaders of the two largest Christian parties - Samir Geagea and Gebran Bassil - sources say the focus is currently on the following three names:

JOSEPH AOUN

General Joseph Aoun, 60, has been commander of the US-backed Lebanese army since 2017, leading the military through a devastating financial crisis that paralyzed much of the Lebanese state after the banking system collapsed in 2019.

On Aoun's watch, US aid continued to flow to the army, part of a US policy focused on supporting state institutions to curb the influence of the heavily armed, Iran-backed Hezbollah, which Washington deems a terrorist group.

Shortly after his appointment, the army waged an offensive to clear ISIS militants from an enclave at the Syrian border, drawing praise from the US ambassador at the time who said the military had done an "excellent job".

His training has included two infantry officer courses in the United States.

Lebanese politicians have said Aoun's candidacy enjoys US approval. A State Department spokesperson said it was "up to Lebanon to choose its next president, not the United States or any external actor".

Hezbollah official Wafiq Safa has said last week there was "no veto" on Aoun. But sources familiar with Hezbollah thinking say it will not support Aoun.

His candidacy has also been opposed by Lebanon's two largest Christian parties - the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement.

Three other former army chiefs - Emile Lahoud, Michel Suleiman and Michel Aoun - have served as president.

Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri - a Hezbollah ally - has said the constitution would need to be amended in order for Aoun to take the post. It currently forbids a serving state official from becoming head of state.

JIHAD AZOUR

Azour, 58, served as finance minister in the Western-backed government of former Prime Minister Fouad Siniora between 2005 and 2008, a period of intense political conflict in Lebanon pitting factions backed by Iran and Syria against others supported by the West.

Since 2017, he has served as Director of the Middle East and Central Asia Department at the International Monetary Fund (IMF). He holds a PhD in International Finance and a post-graduate degree in International Economics and Finance, both from the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris.

He first emerged as a presidential candidate in 2023, when factions including both of the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement voted for him. He received 59 votes.

Hezbollah and its closest allies voted for Suleiman Franjieh in that session - the last time parliament attempted to elect a head of state. Franjieh secured 51 votes.

Hezbollah at the time described Azour as a confrontational candidate - a reference to his role in the Siniora cabinet.

Azour said at the time that his candidacy was not intended as a challenge to anyone, but rather "a call for unity, for breaking down alignments and for a search for common ground in order to get out of the crisis".

ELIAS AL-BAYSARI

Major-General Elias Baysari, 60, has been interim head of the General Security directorate since the term of his predecessor, Major General Abbas Ibrahim, ended in 2023 with no consensus among Lebanese factions on who should replace him.

The security agency Baysari runs is Lebanon's most powerful internal security force, running Lebanon's border crossings and domestic intelligence operations.

He was a little-known figure in Lebanese public life until his promotion to the head of General Security.

He holds a PhD in law from the Lebanese University.