Sirte: From Al-Ghardabiya to ISIS, Through the Rise and Fall of Gaddafi

A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
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Sirte: From Al-Ghardabiya to ISIS, Through the Rise and Fall of Gaddafi

A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)

The city of Sirte, located 450 km east of Tripoli, is preparing to host a meeting of Libyan representatives early next week, to give confidence to the government of Abdul Hamid Al-Dabaib.

While the confidence vote does not seem guaranteed in light of the great divisions among MPs, the mere holding of a parliamentary session in this city would be considered a success, given the significance of Sirte for large segments of the Libyan population.

The city was the scene of the defeat of the Italian invaders in 1915, the spoiled town during the long rule of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, the scene of his fall as well, and the “capital” of the Libyan “ISIS”, in addition to being part of the “red line” drawn by the Egyptians during the Libyan fighting last year.

Sirte 1

The scheduled meeting of the Libyan representatives in Sirte, on Monday, comes as the city prepares to commemorate the Battle of Al-Ghardabiya in 1915.

Located near Sirte, Al-Ghardabiya was the arena of a decisive battle between the Libyan mujahideen and the Italian invaders in April 1915.

The Italians prepared to march towards the Fezzan region in southern Libya, seeking to retake areas from which they were expelled, such as Sebha and Murzuq. They were backed by soldiers from Abyssinia and Eritrea and by local fighters from Misrata, Tarhouna, and other Libyan regions.

On April 29, 1915, the battle of Al-Ghardabiya took place between the Libyans and the Italian forces, and ended in a resounding defeat for the latter side.

The Italians were forced to retreat, and their positions, in turn, fell into the hands of the Libyans. But the capital, Tripoli, remained under their control in addition to other sites on the coast.

Despite the defeat, the Italians repeated the attack when Mussolini came to power in Rome. The latter crowned his campaign by executing the leader of the Libyan Mujahideen, Omar al-Mukhtar, in 1931.

Sirte 2

Sirte was a spoiled city for Colonel Muammar Gaddafi during his long years in power that spanned from the Al-Fateh coup in September 1969 to his ousting in October 2011.

Gaddafi transformed Sirte - the stronghold of his Qadhadhfa tribe - from a small marginal town on the Libyan coast to a huge city, home to a number of state administrations and playing the role of the country’s second capital after Tripoli and sometimes before it.

The Libyan Parliament was established in the city after its transfer from Tripoli in the late 1980s. In the famous Ouagadougou Hall, in September 1999, the establishment of the African Union was announced, succeeding the Organization of African Unity.

Sirte has also hosted a number of important meetings and conferences, including the Arab Summit in 2010.

But just as the era of Gaddafi witnessed the rise of Sirte to the ranks of major cities, the Libyan leader’s fall in 2011 signaled its demise and the start of its marginalization, especially since it fought alongside Gaddafi until his last breath.

Sirte 3

ISIS and other militant organizations such as Ansar al-Sharia and al-Qaeda took advantage of the prevailing chaos after the toppling of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, to find a foothold in Libya.

The city of Derna, in the east of the country, was one of the strongholds of these groups, which later saw internal divisions over the Syrian conflict.

On the other hand, ISIS managed to seize a site no less important than Derna. After its expansion in 2014 in a number of Libyan regions, ISIS elements succeeded, in 2015, in entering the city of Sirte, which soon turned into the stronghold of the organization in Libya.

The terrorist organization has established in Sirte Sharia courts that apply its strict interpretation of Islamic teachings. While ISIS carried out executions of many Libyans opposed or convicted by its courts, its hideous massacres against Egyptian and Ethiopian Coptic citizens who were slaughtered in front of the camera lens sparked a wave of outrage not only in Libya, Egypt, and Ethiopia but also around the world.

ISIS’ control over a city the size of Sirte and its strategic location on the Libyan coast – at a short distance from the shores of southern Europe - raised the concern of European countries, who had begun to suffer from attacks organized by the terrorist movement, such as the bombings in Paris and Brussels in 2015 and 2016.

This Western concern led the United States and several European countries to engage in a broad campaign led by the Libyans to expel the organization from the city.

After months of fierce battles, the operation to expel ISIS ended in December 2016. The terrorist organization lost hundreds of fighters, between 800 and 900, according to US Army estimates, and between 2,000 and 2,500 fighters, according to local Libyan figures.

A Red Line Obstructs Sirte 4

In 2020, Sirte almost became a battlefield. In the spring of that year, the forces of the National Accord government, with Turkish military support and thousands of Syrian mercenaries, succeeded in changing the course of the battle in the west of the country, and obliged the forces of the National Army, led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, to retreat from the gates of Tripoli and from the entire West.

Haftar’s forces withdrew eastward in the direction of Sirte on the coast and Jufrah in the center of the country, amid threats from the National Accord forces to pursue them to the east of the country.

Indeed, the forces, specifically those coming from the city of Misrata, advanced to the east and took control of sites on the outskirts of Sirte, but warplanes raided them and stopped their advance.

However, what actually stopped the new battle of Sirte was the “red line” drawn by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi from Sirte to Al-Jufrah, considering that breaching it would threaten Egyptian national security and would necessitate Egyptian military intervention in Libya.

In the fall of 2020, the warring Libyan parties declared a ceasefire, and after that, Sirte witnessed meetings of the military committees of the Libyan army that supported the National Accord government in the west of the country and the National Army in its east, amid US efforts to make it a demilitarized city, in which a security force is deployed with the consent of the two sides.

This time, Sirte will be an arena for a political battle that may contribute to sparing the country a new military confrontation. Will this be an opportunity for the city to regain its former “significance”, as Gaddafi wanted it to be?



10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
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10 Years after Europe's Migration Crisis, the Fallout Reverberates in Greece and Beyond

File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)
File photo: Migrants of African origin trying to flee to Europe are crammed on board of a small boat, as Tunisian coast guards prepare to transfer them onto their vessel, at sea between Tunisia and Italy, on August 10, 2023. (Photo by FETHI BELAID / AFP)

Fleeing Iran with her husband and toddler, Amena Namjoyan reached a rocky beach of this eastern Greek island along with hundreds of thousands of others. For months, their arrival overwhelmed Lesbos. Boats fell apart, fishermen dove to save people from drowning, and local grandmothers bottle-fed newly arrived babies.

Namjoyan spent months in an overcrowded camp. She learned Greek. She struggled with illness and depression as her marriage collapsed. She tried to make a fresh start in Germany but eventually returned to Lesbos, the island that first embraced her. Today, she works at a restaurant, preparing Iranian dishes that locals devour, even if they struggle to pronounce the names. Her second child tells her, “‘I’m Greek.’”

“Greece is close to my culture, and I feel good here,” Namjoyan said. “I am proud of myself.”

In 2015, more than 1 million migrants and refugees arrived in Europe — the majority by sea, landing in Lesbos, where the north shore is just 10 kilometers (6 miles) from Türkiye. The influx of men, women and children fleeing war and poverty sparked a humanitarian crisis that shook the European Union to its core. A decade later, the fallout still reverberates on the island and beyond.

For many, Greece was a place of transit. They continued on to northern and western Europe. Many who applied for asylum were granted international protection; thousands became European citizens. Countless more were rejected, languishing for years in migrant camps or living in the streets. Some returned to their home countries. Others were kicked out of the European Union.

For Namjoyan, Lesbos is a welcoming place — many islanders share a refugee ancestry, and it helps that she speaks their language. But migration policy in Greece, like much of Europe, has shifted toward deterrence in the decade since the crisis. Far fewer people are arriving illegally. Officials and politicians have maintained that strong borders are needed. Critics say enforcement has gone too far and violates fundamental EU rights and values.

“Migration is now at the top of the political agenda, which it didn’t use to be before 2015,” said Camille Le Coz Director of the Migration Policy Institute Europe, noting changing EU alliances. “We are seeing a shift toward the right of the political spectrum.”

A humanitarian crisis turned into a political one

In 2015, boat after boat crowded with refugees crashed onto the doorstep of Elpiniki Laoumi, who runs a fish tavern across from a Lesbos beach. She fed them, gave them water, made meals for aid organizations.

“You would look at them and think of them as your own children," said Laoumi, whose tavern walls today are decorated with thank-you notes.

From 2015 to 2016, the peak of the migration crisis, more than 1 million people entered Europe through Greece alone. The immediate humanitarian crisis — to feed, shelter and care for so many people at once — grew into a long-term political one.

Greece was reeling from a crippling economic crisis. The influx added to anger against established political parties, fueling the rise of once-fringe populist forces.

EU nations fought over sharing responsibility for asylum seekers. The bloc’s unity cracked as some member states flatly refused to take migrants. Anti-migration voices calling for closed borders became louder.

Today, illegal migration is down across Europe While illegal migration to Greece has fluctuated, numbers are nowhere near 2015-16 figures, according to the International Organization for Migration. Smugglers adapted to heightened surveillance, shifting to more dangerous routes.

Overall, irregular EU border crossings decreased by nearly 40% last year and continue to fall, according to EU border and coast guard agency Frontex.

That hasn’t stopped politicians from focusing on — and sometimes fearmongering over — migration. This month, the Dutch government collapsed after a populist far-right lawmaker withdrew his party’s ministers over migration policy.

In Greece, the new far-right migration minister has threatened rejected asylum seekers with jail time.

A few miles from where Namjoyan now lives, in a forest of pine and olive trees, is a new EU-funded migrant center. It's one of the largest in Greece and can house up to 5,000 people.

Greek officials denied an Associated Press request to visit. Its opening is blocked, for now, by court challenges.

Some locals say the remote location seems deliberate — to keep migrants out of sight and out of mind.

“We don’t believe such massive facilities are needed here. And the location is the worst possible – deep inside a forest,” said Panagiotis Christofas, mayor of Lesbos’ capital, Mytilene. “We’re against it, and I believe that’s the prevailing sentiment in our community.”

A focus on border security

For most of Europe, migration efforts focus on border security and surveillance.

The European Commission this year greenlighted the creation of “return” hubs — a euphemism for deportation centers — for rejected asylum seekers. Italy has sent unwanted migrants to its centers in Albania, even as that faces legal challenges.

Governments have resumed building walls and boosting surveillance in ways unseen since the Cold War.

In 2015, Frontex was a small administrative office in Warsaw. Now, it's the EU's biggest agency, with 10,000 armed border guards, helicopters, drones and an annual budget of over 1 billion euros.

On other issues of migration — reception, asylum and integration, for example — EU nations are largely divided.

The legacy of Lesbos

Last year, EU nations approved a migration and asylum pact laying out common rules for the bloc's 27 countries on screening, asylum, detention and deportation of people trying to enter without authorization, among other things.

“The Lesbos crisis of 2015 was, in a way, the birth certificate of the European migration and asylum policy,” Margaritis Schinas, a former European Commission vice president and a chief pact architect, told AP.

He said that after years of fruitless negotiations, he's proud of the landmark compromise.

“We didn’t have a system,” Schinas said. “Europe’s gates had been crashed."

The deal, endorsed by the United Nations refugee agency, takes effect next year. Critics say it made concessions to hardliners. Human rights organizations say it will increase detention and erode the right to seek asylum.

Some organizations also criticize the “externalization” of EU border management — agreements with countries across the Mediterranean to aggressively patrol their coasts and hold migrants back in exchange for financial assistance.

The deals have expanded, from Türkiye to the Middle East and across Africa. Human rights groups say autocratic governments are pocketing billions and often subject the displaced to appalling conditions.

Lesbos still sees some migrants arrive Lesbos' 80,000 residents look back at the 2015 crisis with mixed feelings.

Fisherman Stratos Valamios saved some children. Others drowned just beyond his reach, their bodies still warm as he carried them to shore.

“What’s changed from back then to now, 10 years on? Nothing,” he said. “What I feel is anger — that such things can happen, that babies can drown.”

Those who died crossing to Lesbos are buried in two cemeteries, their graves marked as “unknown.”

Tiny shoes and empty juice boxes with faded Turkish labels can still be found on the northern coast. So can black doughnut-shaped inner tubes, given by smugglers as crude life preservers for children. At Moria, a refugee camp destroyed by fire in 2020, children’s drawings remain on gutted building walls.

Migrants still arrive, and sometimes die, on these shores. Lesbos began to adapt to a quieter, more measured flow of newcomers.

Efi Latsoudi, who runs a network helping migrants learn Greek and find jobs, hopes Lesbos’ tradition of helping outsiders in need will outlast national policies.

“The way things are developing, it’s not friendly for newcomers to integrate into Greek society,” Latsoudi said. "We need to do something. ... I believe there is hope.”