Sirte: From Al-Ghardabiya to ISIS, Through the Rise and Fall of Gaddafi

A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
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Sirte: From Al-Ghardabiya to ISIS, Through the Rise and Fall of Gaddafi

A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)
A general view shows a sign reading in Arabic: “Sirte”. (Photo: Mahmud Turkia, AFP)

The city of Sirte, located 450 km east of Tripoli, is preparing to host a meeting of Libyan representatives early next week, to give confidence to the government of Abdul Hamid Al-Dabaib.

While the confidence vote does not seem guaranteed in light of the great divisions among MPs, the mere holding of a parliamentary session in this city would be considered a success, given the significance of Sirte for large segments of the Libyan population.

The city was the scene of the defeat of the Italian invaders in 1915, the spoiled town during the long rule of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, the scene of his fall as well, and the “capital” of the Libyan “ISIS”, in addition to being part of the “red line” drawn by the Egyptians during the Libyan fighting last year.

Sirte 1

The scheduled meeting of the Libyan representatives in Sirte, on Monday, comes as the city prepares to commemorate the Battle of Al-Ghardabiya in 1915.

Located near Sirte, Al-Ghardabiya was the arena of a decisive battle between the Libyan mujahideen and the Italian invaders in April 1915.

The Italians prepared to march towards the Fezzan region in southern Libya, seeking to retake areas from which they were expelled, such as Sebha and Murzuq. They were backed by soldiers from Abyssinia and Eritrea and by local fighters from Misrata, Tarhouna, and other Libyan regions.

On April 29, 1915, the battle of Al-Ghardabiya took place between the Libyans and the Italian forces, and ended in a resounding defeat for the latter side.

The Italians were forced to retreat, and their positions, in turn, fell into the hands of the Libyans. But the capital, Tripoli, remained under their control in addition to other sites on the coast.

Despite the defeat, the Italians repeated the attack when Mussolini came to power in Rome. The latter crowned his campaign by executing the leader of the Libyan Mujahideen, Omar al-Mukhtar, in 1931.

Sirte 2

Sirte was a spoiled city for Colonel Muammar Gaddafi during his long years in power that spanned from the Al-Fateh coup in September 1969 to his ousting in October 2011.

Gaddafi transformed Sirte - the stronghold of his Qadhadhfa tribe - from a small marginal town on the Libyan coast to a huge city, home to a number of state administrations and playing the role of the country’s second capital after Tripoli and sometimes before it.

The Libyan Parliament was established in the city after its transfer from Tripoli in the late 1980s. In the famous Ouagadougou Hall, in September 1999, the establishment of the African Union was announced, succeeding the Organization of African Unity.

Sirte has also hosted a number of important meetings and conferences, including the Arab Summit in 2010.

But just as the era of Gaddafi witnessed the rise of Sirte to the ranks of major cities, the Libyan leader’s fall in 2011 signaled its demise and the start of its marginalization, especially since it fought alongside Gaddafi until his last breath.

Sirte 3

ISIS and other militant organizations such as Ansar al-Sharia and al-Qaeda took advantage of the prevailing chaos after the toppling of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, to find a foothold in Libya.

The city of Derna, in the east of the country, was one of the strongholds of these groups, which later saw internal divisions over the Syrian conflict.

On the other hand, ISIS managed to seize a site no less important than Derna. After its expansion in 2014 in a number of Libyan regions, ISIS elements succeeded, in 2015, in entering the city of Sirte, which soon turned into the stronghold of the organization in Libya.

The terrorist organization has established in Sirte Sharia courts that apply its strict interpretation of Islamic teachings. While ISIS carried out executions of many Libyans opposed or convicted by its courts, its hideous massacres against Egyptian and Ethiopian Coptic citizens who were slaughtered in front of the camera lens sparked a wave of outrage not only in Libya, Egypt, and Ethiopia but also around the world.

ISIS’ control over a city the size of Sirte and its strategic location on the Libyan coast – at a short distance from the shores of southern Europe - raised the concern of European countries, who had begun to suffer from attacks organized by the terrorist movement, such as the bombings in Paris and Brussels in 2015 and 2016.

This Western concern led the United States and several European countries to engage in a broad campaign led by the Libyans to expel the organization from the city.

After months of fierce battles, the operation to expel ISIS ended in December 2016. The terrorist organization lost hundreds of fighters, between 800 and 900, according to US Army estimates, and between 2,000 and 2,500 fighters, according to local Libyan figures.

A Red Line Obstructs Sirte 4

In 2020, Sirte almost became a battlefield. In the spring of that year, the forces of the National Accord government, with Turkish military support and thousands of Syrian mercenaries, succeeded in changing the course of the battle in the west of the country, and obliged the forces of the National Army, led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, to retreat from the gates of Tripoli and from the entire West.

Haftar’s forces withdrew eastward in the direction of Sirte on the coast and Jufrah in the center of the country, amid threats from the National Accord forces to pursue them to the east of the country.

Indeed, the forces, specifically those coming from the city of Misrata, advanced to the east and took control of sites on the outskirts of Sirte, but warplanes raided them and stopped their advance.

However, what actually stopped the new battle of Sirte was the “red line” drawn by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi from Sirte to Al-Jufrah, considering that breaching it would threaten Egyptian national security and would necessitate Egyptian military intervention in Libya.

In the fall of 2020, the warring Libyan parties declared a ceasefire, and after that, Sirte witnessed meetings of the military committees of the Libyan army that supported the National Accord government in the west of the country and the National Army in its east, amid US efforts to make it a demilitarized city, in which a security force is deployed with the consent of the two sides.

This time, Sirte will be an arena for a political battle that may contribute to sparing the country a new military confrontation. Will this be an opportunity for the city to regain its former “significance”, as Gaddafi wanted it to be?



Lebanon's Army Chief Joseph Aoun, a Man with a Tough Mission

Lebanon's Armed Forces Commander General Joseph Aoun attends a cabinet meeting in Beirut on November 27, 2024, to discuss the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. - AFP
Lebanon's Armed Forces Commander General Joseph Aoun attends a cabinet meeting in Beirut on November 27, 2024, to discuss the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. - AFP
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Lebanon's Army Chief Joseph Aoun, a Man with a Tough Mission

Lebanon's Armed Forces Commander General Joseph Aoun attends a cabinet meeting in Beirut on November 27, 2024, to discuss the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. - AFP
Lebanon's Armed Forces Commander General Joseph Aoun attends a cabinet meeting in Beirut on November 27, 2024, to discuss the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. - AFP

Lebanese army chief Joseph Aoun, who is being touted as a possible candidate for the presidency, is a man with a tough mission following an Israel-Hezbollah ceasefire that relies heavily on his troops deploying in the south.

Aoun, 60, was set to retire last January after heading the army since 2017, but has had his mandate extended twice -- the last time on Thursday.

The army, widely respected and a rare source of unity in a country riven by sectarian and political divides, has held together despite periodic social strife, the latest war and a crushing five-year economic crisis.
A fragile ceasefire took effect on Wednesday, ending more than a year of war between Israel and Hezbollah that has killed thousands in Lebanon and caused mass displacements on both sides of the border.
Under its terms, the Lebanese army and United Nations peacekeepers are to become the only armed presence in south Lebanon, where Hezbollah enjoys strong support and had been launching attacks on Israeli troops for months, and fighting them on the ground since late September.

The move averted a military power vacuum as the army, which boasts about 80,000 Lebanese servicemen, seeks to bolster its deployment in south Lebanon as part of the nascent truce.

But it will be a difficult task in an area long seen as Hezbollah territory, and risks upsetting the country's already delicate social balance as tensions run high over the war's course and devastation.

- 'Integrity' -

Aoun "has a reputation of personal integrity", said Karim Bitar, an international relations expert at Beirut's Saint-Joseph University.

The army chief came into prominence after leading the army in a battle to drive out the ISIS group from a mountanous area along the Syrian border.

"Within the Lebanese army, he is perceived as someone who is dedicated... who has the national interest at heart, and who has been trying to consolidate this institution, which is the last non-sectarian institution still on its feet in the country," he told AFP.

Aoun has good relations with groups across the political spectrum, including with Hezbollah, as well as with various foreign countries.

Mohanad Hage Ali from the Carnegie Middle East Center noted that "being the head of US-backed Lebanese Armed Forces, Joseph Aoun has ties to the United States".

"While he maintained relations with everyone, Hezbollah-affiliated media often criticized him" for his US ties, he told AFP.

An international conference in Paris last month raised $200 million to support the armed forces.

The military has been hit hard by Lebanon's economic crisis, and at one point in 2020 said it had scrapped meat from the meals offered to on-duty soldiers due to rising food prices.

Aoun has also been floated by several politicians, parties and local media as a potential candidate for Lebanon's presidency, vacant for more than two years amid deadlock between allies of Hezbollah and its opponents, who accuse the group of seeking to impose its preferred candidate.

Aoun has not commented on the reports and largely refrains from making media statements.

- President? -

A Western diplomat told AFP that "everyone has recognized Aoun's track record at the head of the army".

"But the question is, can he transform himself into a politician?" said the diplomat, requesting anonymity to discuss politically sensitive matters.

Bitar said that "many, even those who respect him are opposed to his election as president, because he comes from the army mostly", noting a number of Lebanon's heads of state, including recently, were former army chiefs.

Most "left a bittersweet taste", Bitar said, noting any election of Aoun could also perpetuate the idea that the army chief "systematically becomes president".

This could end up weakening the military as it creates "an unhealthy relationship between political power and the army, which is supposed to remain neutral", he added.

Hage Ali said that the idea of Aoun's "candidacy for the presidency did not receive much enthusiasm from the major figures in the political class, even those who are opposed to Hezbollah".

Aoun, who speaks Arabic, French and English, hails from Lebanon's Christian community and has two children.

By convention, the presidency goes to a Maronite Christian, the premiership is reserved for a Sunni Muslim and the post of parliament speaker goes to a Shiite Muslim.

He is not related to the previous Lebanese president Michel Aoun -- also a former army chief -- although the two served together in the military.