Berri's Memoirs: Rafik Hariri was Wary of 'Vengeful' Electoral Districts Distribution

Lebanese former PM Rafik Hariri (R) and Speaker Nabih Berri in 1996. (Getty Images)
Lebanese former PM Rafik Hariri (R) and Speaker Nabih Berri in 1996. (Getty Images)
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Berri's Memoirs: Rafik Hariri was Wary of 'Vengeful' Electoral Districts Distribution

Lebanese former PM Rafik Hariri (R) and Speaker Nabih Berri in 1996. (Getty Images)
Lebanese former PM Rafik Hariri (R) and Speaker Nabih Berri in 1996. (Getty Images)

In the first episode of a series of excerpts from the memoirs of Lebanon’s Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, Asharq Al-Awsat sheds light on the last meeting between Berri and late former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, the day of his assassination on Feb. 14, 2015.

The memoirs entitled, “Al-Thuqb al-Aswad” (The Black Hole), edited by Nabil Haitham, will soon be published by Dar Bilal.

Berri describes the year 2005 as the worst in the history of Lebanon, as it was devastated by Hariri’s assassination.

On Monday, February 14, 2005, Prime Minister Rafik Hariri arrived at the Parliament before noon.

A crowd of deputies gathered in the public hall, while well-trained media professionals waited in the outer lobby to keep abreast of the event: the parliamentary elections law was the main subject of discussion in a session of the joint parliamentary committees that was scheduled for the day.

The general political atmosphere was tense. The distribution of electoral districts stirred confusion and internal political disputes, especially over the Beirut constituencies. Hariri was trying to confront what he considered at that time electoral distributions that aimed at undermining him.

From Parliament’s outer courtyard, Hariri made his way towards the corridor leading to the speaker’s wing. He met with Minister Ali Hassan Khalil and the two men walked together to the office of the Director of Protocol in Parliament, Ali Hamad. They stayed there for about three quarters of an hour, where they mainly discussed the electoral law. Hariri was not comfortable... he was wary of the distribution of some electoral districts, specifically in Beirut. He described some politicians’ attempts as “vengeful”.

Hariri told Khalil that it was very necessary to reach a consensual electoral law, because tension would not serve this purpose, but would keep matters in a vicious circle.

“I am open to solutions in order to reach a consensus, and I am ready to proceed immediately to a settlement that will lead to an understanding on the election law,” he told Khalil, as quoted in Berri’s memoirs.

Hariri was reassured with the position of Berri, which was conveyed to him by his political aide. He told Khalil: “I am satisfied with the position of Berri… I seriously tell you that I support any discussion that leads to agreement on a law… You can talk about this issue with [then-Interior] Minister Suleiman Franjieh.” Khalil agreed to his request.

At the end of the meeting, Hariri and Khalil left the office of the Protocol Director. The former premier entered Berri’s office, where he stayed for a short time, and then went out to see Khalil about to attend a joint committee session in Parliament’s hall.

Hariri quickly reached to the minister and told him: “Come on, let’s go have coffee.” (He was heading to Café L’étoile, facing the Parliament building, as some friends were waiting for him there). Khalil replied: “I cannot. I want to attend the committee meeting.”

Hariri joked with him, saying: “You don’t want to miss the meeting, or you’re running away because you’re afraid being seen with me?”

Khalil replied, amused: “No, I swear I want to attend the session!”

The two men laughed, shook hands, and Hariri walked out of Parliament, after whispering in Khalil’s ear an expressive message to Berri.

This was Hariri’s last stop in the House of Representatives. He had a cup of coffee at L’étoile and left a few minutes later. That was the last trip that took him to the assassination point facing the St. George Hotel.

Berri recounts his last encounter with the late prime minister:

“I was in Parliament as usual, MP Mohammad Safadi asked me for a short meeting, and as soon as we started talking, Hariri slightly opened the door of my office and I invited him to join us…”

“He entered, approached us with quiet steps, greeted us, and we shook hands. He was smiling warmly… Then we started talking about some matters, some of which were personal, and others general... I noticed that day that he was smiling a lot.”

Berri continues: “After leaving my office, he met MP Ali Hassan Khalil, and sent me a verbal message in which he said: ‘Tell your teacher, no matter what... he will not meet any person who more loyal than Rafik Hariri to him.’

“I was talking on the phone with Hussein al-Husseini, when I felt a powerful blast. The office door shook… Glass fell from the ceiling of the public hall… The sound was very loud. I felt that the explosion had taken place near the Parliament building.

“A Few moments later, I received the tragic news: Rafik Hariri was killed.

“At that moment, I realized that an earthquake had struck Lebanon, and turned it upside down, leading it towards danger and the unknown.

“This cowardly operation targets Lebanon, in its national unity, economy, mission, and security stability. I call on the Lebanese to be wary of this conspiracy targeting Lebanon, through this horrific crime, and to close ranks and rise to the level of national responsibility,” Berri wrote in Hariri’s obituary.

The speaker recounts: “The funerals took place in Beirut on February 16, 2005. I sat between former President Amin Gemayel and [Syria’s] Abdel Halim Khaddam, who had arrived in Ain al-Tineh and went with me to the ceremony. We were also accompanied by Amr Moussa.

“Chaos was overwhelming and crowds came in huge numbers… The scene was impressive and sad...

“I felt great sadness for Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. Once they asked me about my relationship with him, and I said that a long history brought us together; we became friends, quarreled and reconciled, over and over... In short, Rafik Hariri was a friend.

“They asked me many times: Who benefits from the assassination of Prime Minister Rafik Hariri? My answer was clear: The only beneficiary is the enemy of Lebanon… those who want to destroy Lebanon… The Lebanese know who their enemy is... Israel.”

The parliament speaker says that Hariri’s assassination dragged the country into an extremely dangerous and complex internal situation. The political crisis reached an unprecedented level ignited by harsh and direct accusations against what was called the “Lebanese-Syrian security system” at the time.

The Lebanese people were divided between two opposing camps: The March 8 and the March 14 forces.

Amid sharp divisions between the two colliding fronts, Lebanon endured tumultuous years of division over a number of issues, such as the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, Syrian troop withdrawal from Lebanon, the weapons of the resistance [Hezbollah], UN Security Council resolution 1559, and the presidential elections at the end of President Emile Lahoud’s term.

Berri says that following the resignation of Prime Minister Omar Karami’s government under street pressure, tension mounted and divisions deepened further. The country became even more divided, with rival camps trading offensive accusations, which put the country on the “crater of a political volcano in every sense of the word.”



Israel’s Cutoff of Supplies to Gaza Sends Prices Soaring as Aid Stockpiles Dwindle

Members of Abed family, warm up by a fire at a tent camp for displaced Palestinians at the Muwasi, Rafah, southern Gaza Strip, Monday, Feb. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Jehad Alshrafi)
Members of Abed family, warm up by a fire at a tent camp for displaced Palestinians at the Muwasi, Rafah, southern Gaza Strip, Monday, Feb. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Jehad Alshrafi)
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Israel’s Cutoff of Supplies to Gaza Sends Prices Soaring as Aid Stockpiles Dwindle

Members of Abed family, warm up by a fire at a tent camp for displaced Palestinians at the Muwasi, Rafah, southern Gaza Strip, Monday, Feb. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Jehad Alshrafi)
Members of Abed family, warm up by a fire at a tent camp for displaced Palestinians at the Muwasi, Rafah, southern Gaza Strip, Monday, Feb. 24, 2025. (AP Photo/Jehad Alshrafi)

Israel’s cutoff of food, fuel, medicine and other supplies to Gaza’s 2 million people has sent prices soaring and humanitarian groups into overdrive trying to distribute dwindling stocks to the most vulnerable.

The aid freeze has imperiled the progress aid workers say they have made to stave off famine over the past six weeks during Phase 1 of the ceasefire deal Israel and Hamas agreed to in January.

After more than 16 months of war, Gaza’s population is entirely dependent on trucked-in food and other aid. Most are displaced from their homes, and many need shelter. Fuel is needed to keep hospitals, water pumps, bakeries and telecommunications — as well as trucks delivering the aid — operating.

Israel says the siege aims at pressuring Hamas to accept its ceasefire proposal. Israel has delayed moving to the second phase of the deal it reached with Hamas, during which the flow of aid was supposed to continue. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Tuesday that he is prepared to increase the pressure and would not rule out cutting off all electricity to Gaza if Hamas doesn’t budge.

Rights groups have called the cutoff a “starvation policy.”

Four days in, how is the cutoff affecting Gaza?

Food, fuel and shelter supplies are threatened The World Food Program, the UN's main food agency, says it has no major stockpile of food in Gaza because it focused on distributing all incoming food to hungry people during Phase 1 of the deal. In a statement to AP, it said existing stocks are enough to keep bakeries and kitchens running for under two weeks.

WFP said it may be forced to reduce ration sizes to serve as many people as possible. It said its fuel reserves, necessary to run bakeries and transport food, will last for a few weeks if not replenished soon.

There’s also no major stockpile of tents in Gaza, said Shaina Low, communications adviser for the Norwegian Refugee Council. The shelter materials that came in during the ceasefire’s first phase were “nowhere near enough to address all of the needs,” she said.

“If it was enough, we wouldn’t have had infants dying from exposure because of lack of shelter materials and warm clothes and proper medical equipment to treat them,” she said.

At least seven infants in Gaza died from hypothermia during Phase 1.

Urgently checking reserves “We’re trying to figure out, what do we have? What would be the best use of our supply?" said Jonathan Crickx, chief of communication for UNICEF. "We never sat on supplies, so it’s not like there’s a huge amount left to distribute.”

He predicted a “catastrophic result” if the aid freeze continues.

During the ceasefire's first phase, humanitarian agencies rushed in supplies, with about 600 trucks entering per day on average. Aid workers set up more food kitchens, health centers and water distribution points. With more fuel coming in, they could double the amount of water drawn from wells, according to the UN humanitarian agency.

Around 100,000 tents also arrived as hundreds of thousands of Palestinians tried to return to their homes, only to find them destroyed or too damaged to live in.

But the progress relied on the flow of aid continuing.

Oxfam has 26 trucks with thousands of food packages and hygiene kits and 12 trucks of water tanks waiting outside Gaza, said Bushra Khalidi, Oxfam’s policy lead in the West Bank.

“This is not just about hundreds of trucks of food, it’s about the total collapse of systems that sustain life,” she said.

The International Organization for Migration has 22,500 tents in its warehouses in Jordan after trucks brought back their undelivered cargo once entry was barred, said Karl Baker, the agency's regional crisis coordinator.

The International Rescue Committee has 6.7 tons of medicines and medical supplies waiting to enter Gaza and its delivery is “highly uncertain,” said Bob Kitchen, vice president of its emergencies and humanitarian action department.

Medical Aid for Palestinians said it has trucks stuck at Gaza's border carrying medicine, mattresses and assistive devices for people with disabilities. The organization has some medicine and materials in reserve, said spokesperson Tess Pope, but "we don’t have stock that we can use during a long closure of Gaza.”

Prices up sharply Prices of vegetables and flour are now climbing in Gaza after easing during the ceasefire.

Sayed Mohamed al-Dairi walked through a bustling market in Gaza City just after the aid cutoff was announced. Already, sellers were increasing the prices of dwindling wares.

“The traders are massacring us, the traders are not merciful to us,” he said. “In the morning, the price of sugar was 5 shekels. Ask him now, the price has become 10 shekels.”

In the central Gaza city of Deir Al-Balah, one cigarette priced at 5 shekels ($1.37) before the cutoff now stands at 20 shekels ($5.49). One kilo of chicken (2.2 pounds) that was 21 shekels ($5.76) is now 50 shekels ($13.72). Cooking gas has soared from 90 shekels ($24.70) for 12 kilos (26.4 pounds) to 1,480 shekels ($406.24).

Following the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, Israel cut off all aid to Gaza for two weeks — a measure central to South Africa’s case accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza at the International Court of Justice. That took place as Israel launched the most intense phase of its aerial bombardment of Gaza, one of the most aggressive campaigns in modern history.

Palestinians fear a repeat of that period.

“We are afraid that Netanyahu or Trump will launch a war more severe than the previous war,” said Abeer Obeid, a Palestinian woman from northern Gaza. "For the extension of the truce, they must find any other solution.”