Syria’s Presidencies: A History of Coups, Assassinations with Only One Smooth Transition

Photo of the handover ceremony between President Hashem Al-Atassi (right) and President Shukri Al-Quwatli in 1955. (Archive of late Presidential Secretary Abdullah Al-Khani)
Photo of the handover ceremony between President Hashem Al-Atassi (right) and President Shukri Al-Quwatli in 1955. (Archive of late Presidential Secretary Abdullah Al-Khani)
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Syria’s Presidencies: A History of Coups, Assassinations with Only One Smooth Transition

Photo of the handover ceremony between President Hashem Al-Atassi (right) and President Shukri Al-Quwatli in 1955. (Archive of late Presidential Secretary Abdullah Al-Khani)
Photo of the handover ceremony between President Hashem Al-Atassi (right) and President Shukri Al-Quwatli in 1955. (Archive of late Presidential Secretary Abdullah Al-Khani)

Syria’s modern history witnessed many military coups and assassinations of former presidents, in contrast to only one “smooth transition” that took place in 1954, when the presidency was transferred from Hashem al-Atassi to Shukri al-Quwatli.

The upcoming polls, which will be held on May 26, are the 18th since 1932, when the first elections took place under the French mandate.

The deadline for submitting candidacies ends on April 28. Mahmoud Marai – a representative of the opposition – submitted his candidacy along with 12 others, including President Bashar al-Assad. The number of candidates is unprecedented since the first elections nearly nine decades ago.

According to UN Security Council Resolution 2254, credible elections in Syria require UN supervision and a safe environment that ensures the protection of all Syrians, including refugees and internally displaced persons, to exercise their right to vote. However, most of the refugees abroad - except in Lebanon - will not be able to vote due to the requirement of “legal exit” from the country. In addition, most Western countries have closed Syrian diplomatic missions.

In 1936, Al-Atassi won by uncontested due to the absence of opponents, while Charles de Gaulle appointed Tajuddin Al-Atassi commander of the Free France Forces in 1941. Al-Quwatli, a member of the National Bloc, became president after his unrivaled victory in 1943 and 1947. In 1949, Hosni al-Zaim carried out the first coup in the history of Syria and held a referendum.

Shortly after, Sami Al-Hinnawi staged a coup against Al-Zaim and became chief of staff of the army, asking “the historical leader” Al-Atassi to “supervise the elections for a founding conference.”

After the conference, Al-Atassi was elected president. When Adib Al-Shishakli carried out his coup, he immediately appointed Defense Minister Fawzi al-Selu to the presidency. In 1953, elections held at the “mini parliament” saw the arrival of Shishakli to office.

But the latter resigned in 1954 to avoid bloody clashes. Al-Atassi returned to complete his term. A year later, the most famous elections in the contemporary history of Syria took place. Khaled Al-Azem, a former head of state during World War II and prime minister in 1948, ran against Al-Quwatli, who won.

Few years later, Al-Quwatli gave up the presidency to Egyptian Leader Gamal Abdel Nasser, who won a referendum after Syrian-Egyptian unity in 1958. During the “era of separation,” Nazem al-Qudsi won against Said al-Ghazzi in a vote held in parliament in 1961 to succeed Abdel Nasser.

Upon the arrival of the Baath party to power in 1963, the Revolutionary Command Council appointed Officer Luay Al-Atassi to the Council presidency. After the July uprising, Amin Al-Hafez became president of the Presidency Council until Salah Jadid established the February Movement in 1966, and Noureddine Al-Atassi assumed the position of head of state.

After Defense Minister Hafez Al-Assad launched the Corrective Movement on Nov. 16, 1970, Ahmad Al-Khatib was appointed head of state until March 1971. Then, the latter became speaker of parliament, and Assad won the presidency through a referendum that was repeated until his death in 2000.

Following the amendment of the constitution, Bashar Al-Assad won the presidency in a referendum.

In 2012, a new constitution was adopted, instating the elections instead of the referendum. In 2014, Assad and two candidates ran for office, Hassan Al-Nouri, Minister of Administrative Development, and MP Maher Al-Hajjar.

But what about the fate of former presidents and presidential candidates?

In 1936, Muhammad Ali al-Abed was forced to resign, as was the case with Hashem al-Atassi in 1939. The first died in exile in the French city of Nice in 1939, while the second departed in Homs in 1960.

Tajeddine Al-Hasani, appointed by the French in 1941, was the only president to pass away in office on Jan. 17, 1943. Al-Quwatli was ousted from the palace in a military coup led by Al-Zaim in March 1949. Al-Zaim would in turn be overthrown in a coup in August led by Sami Al-Hinnawi.

Al-Zaim was killed by 176 bullets to his body. A few years later, Al-Hinnawi was imprisoned and then killed by Hersho Al-Barazi in Beirut in 1950.

Al-Shishakli staged his coup in December 1949 and jailed Al-Hinnawi for a certain period before releasing him in response to pressure. He left the country at the end of his tenure and was assassinated in Brazil in 1964 because of his “practices against the Druze” in southern Syria.

In February 1955, the famous handover ceremony took place between Al-Atassi and Al-Quwatli. This was the only “smooth transition” in the country’s history.

Al-Quwatli, who resigned in favor of Abdel Nasser in 1958, died of a stroke in his exile in Beirut following the June 1967 events. Al-Hafez, who was ousted by Jadid in 1966, was imprisoned and then went into exile before returning to Aleppo, where he passed away in 2009.



Mistrust and Fear: The Complex Story behind Strained Syria-Lebanon Relations

People carry Syrian flags of the opposition as they celebrate the ouster of the Assad regime in Damascus, in Tripoli, northern Lebanon, 08 December 2024. (EPA)
People carry Syrian flags of the opposition as they celebrate the ouster of the Assad regime in Damascus, in Tripoli, northern Lebanon, 08 December 2024. (EPA)
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Mistrust and Fear: The Complex Story behind Strained Syria-Lebanon Relations

People carry Syrian flags of the opposition as they celebrate the ouster of the Assad regime in Damascus, in Tripoli, northern Lebanon, 08 December 2024. (EPA)
People carry Syrian flags of the opposition as they celebrate the ouster of the Assad regime in Damascus, in Tripoli, northern Lebanon, 08 December 2024. (EPA)

A lot has happened in just a year on both sides of the Lebanon-Syria border. A lightning offensive by opposition factions in Syria toppled longtime autocrat Bashar Assad and brought a new government in place in Damascus.

In Lebanon, a bruising war with Israel dealt a serious blow to Hezbollah — the Iran-backed and Assad-allied Shiite Lebanese militant group that had until recently been a powerful force in the Middle East — and a US-negotiated deal has brought a fragile ceasefire.

Still, even after the fall of the 54-year Assad family rule, relations between Beirut and Damascus remain tense — as they have been for decades past, with Syria long failing to treat its smaller neighbor as a sovereign nation.

Recent skirmishes along the border have killed and wounded several people, both fighters and civilians, including a four-year-old Lebanese girl, The Associated Press said.

Beirut and Damascus have somewhat coordinated on border security, but attempts to reset political relations have been slow. Despite visits to Syria by two heads of Lebanon's government, no Syrian official has visited Lebanon.

Here is what's behind the complicated relations.

A coldness that goes way back

Many Syrians have resented Hezbollah for wading into Syria's civil war in defense of Assad's government. Assad's fall sent them home, but many Lebanese now fear cross-border attacks by Syria's militants.

There are new restrictions on Lebanese entering Syria, and Lebanon has maintained tough restrictions on Syrians entering Lebanon.

The Lebanese also fear that Damascus could try to bring Lebanon under a new Syrian tutelage.

Syrians have long seen Lebanon as a staging ground for anti-Syria activities, including hosting opposition figures before Hafez Assad — Bashar Assad's father — ascended to power in a bloodless 1970 coup.

In 1976, Assad senior sent his troops to Lebanon, allegedly to bring peace as Lebanon was hurtling into a civil war that lasted until 1990. Once that ended, Syrian forces remained in Lebanon for another 15 years.

A signature of the Assad family rule, Syria's dreaded security agents disappeared and tortured dissidents to keep the country under their control. They did the same in Lebanon.

“Syrians feel that Lebanon is the main gateway for conspiracies against them,” says Lebanese political analyst Ali Hamadeh.

Turbulent times

It took until 2008 for the two countries to agree to open diplomatic missions, marking Syria's first official recognition of Lebanon as an independent state since it gained independence from France in 1943.

The move came after the 2005 truck-bombing assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri that many blamed on Damascus. Two months later, Syria pulled its troops out of Lebanon under international pressure, ending 29 years of near-complete domination of its neighbor.

When Syria’s own civil war erupted in 2011, hundreds of thousands of Syrians fled across the border, making crisis-hit Lebanon the host of the highest per capita population of refugees in the world. Once in Lebanon, the refugees complained about discrimination, including curfews for Syrian citizens in some areas.

Hezbollah, meanwhile, rushed thousands of its fighters into Syria in 2013 to shore up Assad, worried that its supply lines from Iran could dry up.

And as much as the Lebanese are divided over their country’s internal politics, Syria's war divided them further into those supporting Assad's government and those opposing it.

Distrust and deadlock

A key obstacle to warming relations has been the fate of about 2,000 Syrians in Lebanese prisons, including some 800 held over attacks and shootings, many without trial. Damascus is asking Beirut to hand them over to continue their prison terms in Syria, but Lebanese judicial officials say Beirut won't release any attackers and that each must be studied and resolved separately.

In July, family members of the detainees rallied along a border crossing, demanding their relatives be freed. The protest came amid reports that Syrian troops could deploy foreign fighters in Lebanon, which Damascus officials denied.

Another obstacle is Lebanon’s demand that Syrian refugees go back home now that Assad is gone. About 716,000 Syrian refugees are registered with the UN refugee agency, while hundreds of thousands more are unregistered in Lebanon, which has a population of about 5 million.

Syria is also demanding the return of billions of dollars worth of deposits of Syrians trapped in Lebanese banks since Lebanon's historic financial meltdown in 2019.

The worst post-Assad border skirmishes came in mid-March, when Syrian authorities said Hezbollah members crossed the border and kidnapped and killed three Syrian soldiers. The Lebanese government and army said the clash was between smugglers and that Hezbollah wasn't involved.

Days later, Lebanese and Syrian defense ministers flew to Saudi Arabia and signed an agreement on border demarcation and boosting their coordination.

In July, rumors spread in Lebanon, claiming the northern city of Tripoli would be given to Syria in return for Syria giving up the Golan Heights to Israel. And though officials dismissed the rumors, they illustrate the level of distrust between the neighbors.

Beirut was also angered by Syria's appointment this year of a Lebanese army officer — Abdullah Shehadeh, who defected in 2014 from Lebanon to join Syrian insurgents — as the head of security in Syria’s central province of Homs that borders northeastern Lebanon.

In Syria, few were aware of Shehadeh’s real name — he was simply known by his nom de guerre, Abu Youssef the Lebanese. Syrian security officials confirmed the appointment.

What's ahead

Analysts say an important step would be for the two neighbors to work jointly to boost security against cross-border smuggling. A US-backed plan that was recently adopted by the Lebanese government calls for moving toward full demarcation of the border.

Radwan Ziadeh, a senior fellow at the Arab Center in Washington, says the best way forward would be for Syria and Lebanon to address each problem between them individually — not as a package deal.

That way, tensions would be reduced gradually, he said and downplayed recent comments by prominent Syrian anti-Assad figures who claimed Lebanon is part of Syria and should return to it.

“These are individual voices that do not represent the Syrian state,” Zaideh said.