Khaddam’s Memoirs: Assad Defied Int'l Community and Extended Emile Lahoud's Term

Asharq Al-Awsat publishes excerpts from the late Syrian vice president’s memoirs.

Assad meets with former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud in Beirut in October 1998. (Getty Images)
Assad meets with former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud in Beirut in October 1998. (Getty Images)
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Khaddam’s Memoirs: Assad Defied Int'l Community and Extended Emile Lahoud's Term

Assad meets with former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud in Beirut in October 1998. (Getty Images)
Assad meets with former Lebanese President Emile Lahoud in Beirut in October 1998. (Getty Images)

In this second episode of the memoirs of late former Syrian Vice President Abdel Halim Khaddam, Asharq Al-Awsat focuses on President Bashar al-Assad’s decision to extend the term of then-Lebanese President Emile Lahoud and efforts to persuade then prime minister, late Rafik Hariri, to agree to the extension.

“The Lebanese public opinion was divided between an overwhelming majority opposing the extension and a minority supporting it, in addition to total international rejection,” Khaddam wrote in his memoirs.

He noted that a meeting between US President George W. Bush and his French counterpart, Jacques Chirac, in June 2004 underlined the two countries’ “categorical rejection” of Lahoud’s term extension and denounced the Syrian interference in Lebanese affairs.”

With the expansion of the opposition at the Lebanese, Arab and international levels, in parallel with calls to stop the Syrian interference and the withdrawal of the Syrian troops from Lebanon, it was clear that “any irrational position from the regime in Syria will lead to great damage to the country.”

Khaddam continued: “During my meetings with Dr. Bashar al-Assad, I tried to convince him of the danger of the extension.”

He noted that Assad exerted great pressure on Hariri. Following a meeting in July, held in the presence of Major General Ghazi Kenaan, Brigadier General Rustom Ghazali and Colonel Muhammad Khallouf, Hariri suffered from high blood pressure and nosebleeds due to Assad’s harsh words.

Khaddam said: “On that morning, I had an appointment with Dr. Bashar. He was upset and tense, and said: ‘I had Rafik Hariri. I received him at 7:30 in the morning, and I told him clearly and frankly, in the presence of the officers, that he was not allowed to choose a president, for I am the one who chooses, and whoever disobeys me will have his bones broken.’”

The Syrian vice-president expressed his shock, telling Assad: “What have you done? You are talking with the prime minister of Lebanon who represents the Lebanese Muslims. Did you think about the impact of your words if they spread? We have worked for many years to give the prime minister and the speaker of the parliament a fundamental role, and you are working for Emile Lahoud to weaken this role. You have no interest in that.”

Assad calmed down and said: "Invite Prime Minister Hariri to visit you and work to erase the outcome of my meeting.”

“I will do that,” Khaddam replied.

Khaddam recalled that he contacted Hariri and blamed him for having come to Damascus without calling him.

“I wait for you to come to Damascus within days,” he told the Lebanese premier, who replied: “I was in a very bad condition; that’s why I didn’t contact you. I will not visit Damascus again.”

The two men had a long conversation, after which Khaddam convinced Hariri to meet with him in Bloudan, near Damascus.

“I will not forget my meeting with Bashar al-Assad for as long as I am alive,” the Lebanese politician told Khaddam.

“You are a political man, and you should not take things like this,” his interlocutor said, emphasizing that Assad was angry as he spoke to him.

Khaddam said that during that encounter, he tried to reduce the tension between the Syrian president and Hariri.

He continued: “On August 18, 2004, I met with President Assad to bid him farewell before my trip to France for my annual medical examinations. During that meeting, we discussed the issue of the extension of Lahoud, and I asked him: ‘Where are we with this issue?’ He replied: ‘I decided not to extend his tenure. No one in the world agrees with it; Arab countries and the majority of the Lebanese are against it. I informed President Lahoud of our decision.’”

A few days later, while he was in France, Khaddam received a phone call from Hariri, who told him that Assad had again decided to extend Lahoud’s term and that he had summoned him to Damascus for a brief meeting.

“You have to define your stance: Are you with or against Syria?” Assad reportedly asked Hariri during that meeting.

The Lebanese premier asked for Khaddam’s advice, noting that Druze Leader Walid Jumblatt has warned him that he could not bear the consequences of his rejection of the Syrian decision. The Syrian official agreed, encouraging Hariri to agree then to leave Lebanon and announce his resignation. Hariri informed Brigadier General Rustom Ghazali of his approval, then left for Sardinia to meet his family there.

Khaddam recounted: “A few days later, he called me, while I was still in France, and asked me: ‘If I go back to Lebanon, is there a threat to my life?’ I replied: ‘You have agreed to everything that Dr. Assad requested and he still needs you, because the amendment of the constitution is yet to be made. But, as I advised you, after completing the task, leave Lebanon immediately and announce your resignation.’”

During that period, European countries were seeking to adopt a United Nations Security Council resolution on Lebanon and the Syrian troop withdrawal. Assad asked his foreign minister Farouk al-Sharaa to contact his Spanish counterpart, Miguel Angel Moratinos, to ask him to support Syria and to stop the Security Council from meeting, in return for Damascus’ to abandon the extension of Lahoud’s term and to hold presidential elections instead.

Spanish Prime Minister José Luis Zapatero exerted great efforts with Bush, British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Chirac, who finally agreed to cancel the Security Council session if Syria fulfilled its commitment.

Moratinos contacted Sharaa and informed him that Western countries agreed to the Syrian proposal. He hoped that the Syrian side would contact parliament Speaker Nabih Berri to cancel the parliament session devoted to amending the constitution to extend Lahoud’s term. Sharaa replied: “Lebanon is an independent state, and we have nothing to do with it. You call Speaker Nabih Berri.”

The Spanish minister was surprised by this answer. Nevertheless, Moratinos called Berri and recounted what happened. Berri replied: “Lebanon is an independent and sovereign state, and Syria has nothing to do with this issue.”

Consequently, the Security Council met on Sept. 2 and issued Resolution 1559, calling on Syria to withdraw its forces from Lebanon and to stop interfering in its internal affairs. It also included Lebanon’s call for presidential elections without outside interference. The resolution affirmed the country’s independence and sovereignty and called for the dismantling of non-state armed organizations. The decision was issued under Chapter Seven of the United Nations Charter, and thus the Syrian regime came under the supervision of the Security Council.

Khaddam recalled: “I returned from France on Sept. 5, 2004. The next day, President Assad received me, and after a chat about my medical examinations, he spoke about his meeting with US Congressman Darrel Issa, who expressed his willingness to exert efforts to improve Syrian-American relations.” He also briefed him on a meeting with Martin Indyk, the former security advisor to US President Bill Clinton, who was highly critical of Bush’s policy.

“The two men have no role in making American policy,” Khaddam told Assad, who replied: “We will receive a large US delegation headed by William Burns, Assistant Secretary of State for Middle East Affairs… The United States does not care about Lebanon, but Iraq.”

Assad continued: “What is better: focus on American-Syrian relations or Syrian-European relations?” Khaddam answered: “The United States is the most influential power in the world, and focusing on relations with it is better, but the major obstacle is Israel’s position in US politics. As for Europe, its impact is limited, but working with it is much easier than working with the Americans.”



Iran’s Khamenei Faces Gravest Crisis of His Rule as US Strike Force Gathers

A handout picture made available by Iran's Supreme Leader Office shows Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei addressing a ceremony in Tehran, Iran, 17 February 2026, amid heightened regional tensions following an increased US military presence in the Middle East. (EPA/Iran’s Supreme Leader Office Handout)
A handout picture made available by Iran's Supreme Leader Office shows Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei addressing a ceremony in Tehran, Iran, 17 February 2026, amid heightened regional tensions following an increased US military presence in the Middle East. (EPA/Iran’s Supreme Leader Office Handout)
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Iran’s Khamenei Faces Gravest Crisis of His Rule as US Strike Force Gathers

A handout picture made available by Iran's Supreme Leader Office shows Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei addressing a ceremony in Tehran, Iran, 17 February 2026, amid heightened regional tensions following an increased US military presence in the Middle East. (EPA/Iran’s Supreme Leader Office Handout)
A handout picture made available by Iran's Supreme Leader Office shows Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei addressing a ceremony in Tehran, Iran, 17 February 2026, amid heightened regional tensions following an increased US military presence in the Middle East. (EPA/Iran’s Supreme Leader Office Handout)

Ali Khamenei has crushed unrest and survived foreign pressure before but, with his envoys racing to avert threatened American airstrikes through ongoing talks, Iran's Supreme Leader faces the gravest crisis of his 36-year rule.

An embittered population toils under a sanctions-hit economy. Huge protests in January were crushed at a cost of thousands of lives. Israeli and US. strikes last year smashed prized nuclear and missile facilities. Iran's regional policy lies in tatters, with old allies and proxies weakened or gone.

With the risk of war hanging over the Middle East, the 86-year-old's fierce devotion to the Islamic Republic, his implacable hostility to the West and his record of guile in spinning out negotiations will shape the fate of the region.

PRESERVING IRAN'S ISLAMIC REPUBLIC AT ALL COSTS

Already this year, he has ordered the deadliest crackdown since the 1979 revolution, saying protesters "should be put in their place" before security forces opened fire on demonstrators chanting "Death to the dictator!".

US President Donald Trump's threats to bomb Iran again come only months after Khamenei was forced into hiding last June by strikes that killed several close associates and Revolutionary Guard commanders.

That assault was among the many indirect results of the attack on Israel by the Iran-backed Palestinian group Hamas on October 7, 2023, which not only triggered the war in Gaza but also spurred Israel to hammer Tehran's other ‌regional proxies.

With Hezbollah weakened ‌in Lebanon and Syria's Bashar al-Assad toppled, Khamenei's reach across the Middle East has been stunted. Now he faces ‌US demands ⁠to abandon Iran's ⁠best remaining strategic lever, its arsenal of ballistic missiles.

Iran has even offered apparent concessions on its nuclear program, which it says is purely civilian but is seen by the West and Israel as a path to an atomic bomb.

But Khamenei refuses to even discuss giving up missiles, which Iran sees as its only remaining deterrent to Israeli attack, a display of intransigence that may itself invite US airstrikes.

As the US military buildup intensifies, Khamenei's calculations will draw on a character molded by revolution, years of turmoil and war with Iraq, decades of sparring with the United States, and a ruthless accumulation of power.

Khamenei has ruled since 1989 and holds ultimate authority over all branches of government, the military and the judiciary.

While elected officials manage day-to-day affairs, no major policy - especially one concerning the United States - proceeds without his explicit approval; Khamenei's mastery of Iran's complex system of clerical rule combined with limited democracy ensures that no ⁠other group can challenge his decisions.

AS LEADER, KHAMENEI WAS ONCE FAR FROM SUPREME

Early in his rule, Khamenei was ‌often dismissed as weak and an unlikely successor to the Islamic Republic's late founder, the charismatic Khomeini.

When he was appointed Supreme Leader, Khamenei had difficulty wielding power through religious authority, as the theocratic system foresaw. After struggling for a long time to ‌emerge from the shadow of his mentor, it was by forging a formidable security apparatus devoted solely to him that he finally imposed himself.

Khamenei distrusts the West, ‌particularly the US, which he accuses of seeking to topple him.

In a typically pugnacious speech after January's protests, he blamed Trump for the unrest, saying: "We consider the US president criminal for the casualties, damages and slander he inflicted on the Iranian nation." Yet despite his ideological rigidity, he has shown a willingness to bend when the survival of the republic is at stake.

The concept of "heroic flexibility", first mentioned by Khamenei in 2013, permits tactical compromises to advance his goals, mirroring Khomeini's choice in 1988 to embrace a ceasefire after eight years of war with Iraq.

Khamenei’s guarded ‌endorsement of Iran's 2015 nuclear deal with six world powers was another such moment, as he calculated that sanctions relief was necessary to stabilize the economy and buttress his grip on power.

Trump quit the 2015 pact during his first ⁠term in 2018 and reimposed crippling sanctions on ⁠Iran. Tehran reacted by gradually violating all agreed curbs on its nuclear program.

LOYAL SECURITY STRUCTURE KEY TO KHAMENEI'S POWER

At times of increasing pressure, Khamenei has repeatedly turned to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Basij, a paramilitary force numbering hundreds of thousands of volunteers, to snuff out dissent.

It was they who crushed the protests that exploded after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's re-election as president in 2009 amid allegations of vote fraud.

In 2022, Khamenei was just as ruthless in arresting, imprisoning or executing protesters enraged by the death in custody of the young Iranian-Kurdish woman Mahsa Amini.

And it was again the Guards and Basij who crushed the latest round of protests in January.

His power also owes much to the parastatal financial empire known as Setad, which is under Khamenei's direct control. Worth tens of billions of dollars, it has grown hugely during his rule, investing billions in the Revolutionary Guards.

Scholars outside Iran paint a picture of a secretive ideologue fearful of betrayal - an anxiety fueled by an assassination attempt in June 1981 with a bomb hidden in a tape recorder that paralyzed his right arm.

Khamenei himself suffered severe torture, according to his official biography, in 1963, when at 24 he served the first of many terms in prison for political activities under the rule of the shah.

After the revolution, as deputy defense minister, Khamenei became close to the Guards during the 1980-88 war with Iraq, which claimed a million lives from both sides.

He won the presidency with Khomeini's support but was a surprise choice as successor when the supreme leader died, lacking both his popular appeal and his superior clerical credentials.

Karim Sadjadpour at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said that "accident of history" had transformed a "weak president to an initially weak supreme leader to one of the five most powerful Iranians of the last 100 years".


US Strikes on Iran Could Target Individual Leaders, Officials Say

 People walk at Tajrish traditional bazaar in northern Tehran, Iran, Thursday, Feb. 19, 2026. (AP)
People walk at Tajrish traditional bazaar in northern Tehran, Iran, Thursday, Feb. 19, 2026. (AP)
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US Strikes on Iran Could Target Individual Leaders, Officials Say

 People walk at Tajrish traditional bazaar in northern Tehran, Iran, Thursday, Feb. 19, 2026. (AP)
People walk at Tajrish traditional bazaar in northern Tehran, Iran, Thursday, Feb. 19, 2026. (AP)

US military planning on Iran has reached an advanced stage with options including targeting individuals as part of an attack and even pursuing regime change in Tehran, if ordered by President Donald Trump, two US officials told Reuters.

The military options are the latest signs that the United States is preparing for a serious conflict with Iran should diplomatic efforts fail. Reuters first reported last week that the US military is preparing for a sustained, weeks-long operation against Iran that could include striking Iranian security facilities as well as nuclear infrastructure.

The latest revelations suggest more granular, ambitious planning ahead of a decision by Trump, who has in recent days publicly floated the idea of regime change in the country.

The US officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitive nature of the planning, did not offer further details on which individuals could be targeted or how the US military could attempt to carry out regime change without a large ground force.

Pursuing regime change would mark another shift away from Trump's vows during the presidential campaign to abandon what he has called the failed policies of past administrations, which included military efforts to topple governments in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Trump has assembled a massive amount of firepower in the Middle East, but most of the combat ‌capabilities are aboard warships ‌and fighter aircraft. Any major bombing campaign could also count on support from US-based bombers.

In his first term, ‌Trump ⁠showed a willingness ⁠to carry out targeted killings by approving a 2020 attack on Iran's top general, Qassem Soleimani, who led the foreign espionage and paramilitary arm of Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, known as the Quds Force.

The Trump administration formally labeled the IRGC a foreign terrorist organization in 2019, the first time Washington had applied the designation to another nation’s military.

One of the US officials noted Israel's success targeting Iranian leaders during its 12-day war with Iran last year. At the time, regional sources told Reuters at least 20 senior commanders were killed, including the armed forces chief of staff, Major General Mohammad Bagheri.

"The 12-day war and Israeli strikes against individual targets really showed the utility of that approach," the US official said, adding that the focus was on those involved in command and control of IRGC forces.

Still, the official cautioned that targeting individuals requires additional intelligence ⁠resources. Killing a particular military commander would mean knowing their exact location and understanding who else might be harmed in ‌the operation.

It was unclear to the officials who spoke with Reuters what intelligence the US has ‌on Iranian leaders who could potentially be targeted by the United States.

The White House and Pentagon did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

REGIME CHANGE AS A POSSIBLE GOAL

Trump ‌has openly floated the possibility of changing the government in Iran, saying last week it "seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." ‌He declined to say who he wanted to take over Iran, but said, "there are people."

While regime change operations have traditionally involved major movement of US ground forces, Trump turned to special operations forces to oust Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro, sending them to grab him from his Caracas compound last month in an audacious raid.

At the same time, the US president has also held out hope for diplomacy, saying on Thursday that "really bad things" would happen if no deal were reached. He appeared to set a deadline of no more than ‌10 to 15 days before the US might take action.

Iran's Revolutionary Guard has warned it could retaliate against US military bases in the region if the US strikes Iranian territory.

In a letter on Thursday to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, Tehran said it would not start any war but that "in the event that it is subjected to military aggression, Iran will respond decisively and proportionately" in its exercise of the right of self-defense.

US officials have told Reuters they fully expect Iran to fight back in the event of an attack, raising the risk of US casualties and a regional conflict, given the number of countries that could come under fire from Iran's missile arsenal.

Trump's threats to bomb Iran have pushed up oil prices, and on Thursday a Russian warship joined planned Iranian naval drills in the Gulf of Oman, a vital sea route for global energy shipments.

THREATS TO SHUT STRAIT OF HORMUZ

Tehran has in the past threatened to shut down the Strait of Hormuz if it is attacked, a move that would choke off a fifth of global oil flows.

Iranian and US negotiators met on Tuesday and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi said they had agreed on "guiding principles." White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said on Wednesday, however, that the two sides remained far apart on some issues.

Iran has resisted making major concessions on its nuclear program, though insisting it is for peaceful purposes. The US and Israel have in the past accused Tehran of trying to develop a nuclear bomb.

A senior US official said Iran would make a written proposal on how to address US concerns.

Trump called on Tehran on Wednesday to join the US on the "path to peace."

"They can't have a nuclear weapon, it's very simple," he said. "You can't have peace in the Middle East if they have a nuclear weapon."


First Ramadan After Truce Brings Flicker of Joy in Devastated Gaza 

Worshippers perform evening Tarawih prayer on the first night of the holy fasting month of Ramadan at the Al-Kanz Mosque, which was damaged during the Israel-Hamas war, in Gaza City, Tuesday, Feb. 17, 2026. (AP)
Worshippers perform evening Tarawih prayer on the first night of the holy fasting month of Ramadan at the Al-Kanz Mosque, which was damaged during the Israel-Hamas war, in Gaza City, Tuesday, Feb. 17, 2026. (AP)
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First Ramadan After Truce Brings Flicker of Joy in Devastated Gaza 

Worshippers perform evening Tarawih prayer on the first night of the holy fasting month of Ramadan at the Al-Kanz Mosque, which was damaged during the Israel-Hamas war, in Gaza City, Tuesday, Feb. 17, 2026. (AP)
Worshippers perform evening Tarawih prayer on the first night of the holy fasting month of Ramadan at the Al-Kanz Mosque, which was damaged during the Israel-Hamas war, in Gaza City, Tuesday, Feb. 17, 2026. (AP)

Little Ramadan lanterns and string lights appeared on streets lined with collapsed buildings and piles of rubble in Gaza City, bringing joy and respite as Islam's holiest month began -- the first since October's ceasefire.

In the Omari mosque, dozens of worshippers performed the first Ramadan morning prayer, fajr, bare feet on the carpet but donning heavy jackets to stave off the winter cold.

"Despite the occupation, the destruction of mosques and schools, and the demolition of our homes... we came in spite of these harsh conditions," Abu Adam, a resident of Gaza City who came to pray, told AFP.

"Even last night, when the area was targeted, we remained determined to head to the mosque to worship God," he said.

A security source in Gaza told AFP Wednesday that artillery shelling targeted the eastern parts of Gaza City that morning.

The source added that artillery shelling also targeted a refugee camp in central Gaza.

Israel does not allow international journalists to enter the Gaza Strip, preventing AFP and other news organizations from independently verifying casualty figures.

A Palestinian vendor sells food in a market ahead of the holy month of Ramadan in Gaza City, 17 February 2026. (EPA)

- 'Stifled joy' -

In Gaza's south, tens of thousands of people still live in tents and makeshift shelters as they wait for the territory's reconstruction after a US-brokered ceasefire took hold in October.

Nivin Ahmed, who lives in a tent in the area known as Al-Mawasi, told AFP this first Ramadan without war brought "mixed and varied feelings".

"The joy is stifled. We miss people who were martyred, are still missing, detained, or even travelled," he said.

"The Ramadan table used to be full of the most delicious dishes and bring together all our loved ones," the 50-year-old said.

"Today, I can barely prepare a main dish and a side dish. Everything is expensive. I can't invite anyone for Iftar or suhoor," he said, referring to the meals eaten before and after the daily fast of Ramadan.

Despite the ceasefire, shortages remain in Gaza, whose battered economy and material damage have rendered most residents at least partly dependent on humanitarian aid for their basic needs.

But with all entries into the tiny territory under Israeli control, not enough goods are able to enter to bring prices down, according to the United Nations and aid groups.

A sand sculpture bearing the phrase "Welcome, Ramadan," created by Palestinian artist Yazeed Abu Jarad, on a beach in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, 17 February 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas. (EPA)

- 'Still special' -

Maha Fathi, 37, was displaced from Gaza City and lives in a tent west of the city.

"Despite all the destruction and suffering in Gaza, Ramadan is still special," she told AFP.

"People have begun to empathize with each other's suffering again after everyone was preoccupied with themselves during the war."

She said that her family and neighbors were able to share moments of joy as they prepared food for suhoor and set up Ramadan decorations.

"Everyone longs for the atmosphere of Ramadan. Seeing the decorations and the activity in the markets fills us with hope for a return to stability," she added.

On the beach at central Gaza's Deir al-Balah, Palestinian artist Yazeed Abu Jarad contributed to the holiday spirit with his art.

In the sand near the Mediterranean Sea, he sculpted "Welcome Ramadan" in ornate Arabic calligraphy, under the curious eye of children from a nearby tent camp.

Nearly all of Gaza's 2.2 million residents were displaced at least once during the more than two years of war between Israel and Hamas, sparked by the latter's unprecedented October 7 attack on Israel.

Mohammed al-Madhoun, 43, also lives in a tent west of Gaza City, and hoped for brighter days ahead.

"I hope this is the last Ramadan we spend in tents. I feel helpless in front of my children when they ask me to buy lanterns and dream of an Iftar table with all their favorite foods."

"We try to find joy despite everything", he said, describing his first Ramadan night out with the neighbors, eating the pre-fast meal and praying.