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Palestinian Parties Reject Canceling Elections

A protest against postponing the elections in front of the headquarters of the Central Elections Commission in Gaza (dpa)
A protest against postponing the elections in front of the headquarters of the Central Elections Commission in Gaza (dpa)
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Palestinian Parties Reject Canceling Elections

A protest against postponing the elections in front of the headquarters of the Central Elections Commission in Gaza (dpa)
A protest against postponing the elections in front of the headquarters of the Central Elections Commission in Gaza (dpa)

Rumors that the Israeli government has agreed to allow the elections to take place, including in East Jerusalem, are “unfounded,” the Palestinian Authority (PA) has announced.

Earlier, Israel tried to embarrass Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas by suggesting that it does not interfere in the elections and holding them depends on Abbas himself.

Fatah Central Committee Member Hussein al-Sheikh said “the Israeli government has officially informed us that the Israeli position on holding elections in East Jerusalem remains negative.”

Sheikh stressed the party that must receive the official Israeli decision is the Palestinian National Authority.

The Israel Hayom newspaper and Walla website have reported that Tel Aviv will not interfere in the polls, and it informed European countries that it did not prevent the Palestinian elections from taking place in Jerusalem.

Head of the Israeli Foreign Ministry’s political department Alan Bar said in a meeting with 13 European ambassadors that Tel Aviv views the Palestinian elections an internal matter and will not intervene in the polls.

He claimed that Israel has not taken any official position on the elections in East Jerusalem, telling the ambassadors that it was up to Abbas to make the decision.

The statements consolidated the belief among Palestinian opposition and electoral blocs that Abbas has a desire to cancel the elections over disagreements within Fatah and the formation of alternative lists of the movement's leaders.

Member of Hamas politburo Mousa Abu Marzouk confirmed the movement’s rejection to postpone the elections under any pretext, warning any such move would affect the future of Palestinian reconciliation.

The official asserted Hamas’ position on holding the polls in Jerusalem, saying the justifications for postponement are “unrealistic.”

Nashaat al-Aqtash, the campaign manager of the independent Watan candidates, said the list “will not recognize the postponement.”

“The reason is that the president issued the election decree and no longer has the authority to issue decrees at this stage. It is now up to the election commission,” indicated Aqtash, who is also a media professor at Bir Zeit University.

Fatah media official Munir al-Jaghoub responded by saying that the Palestinian factions signed an agreement in Cairo that there would be no elections without Jerusalem.

Fatah argues that the matter is related to sovereign and legal issues, given that East Jerusalem is the capital of the Palestinian state.

A number of electoral lists sent a letter to Abbas, and another copy to the chairman of the Palestinian Central Elections Commission (PCEC) Hanna Nasser, stressing the importance of implementing the presidential decree to hold legislative, presidential, and National Council elections on their specified dates.

They indicated that the elections are a long-awaited fundamental right that must be implemented for political and national reasons and a commitment to the popular demand of over 90 percent of the electorate.

The message stressed the importance of renewing the legitimacy of all Palestinian institutions to enable them to face the challenges that threaten the Palestinian cause.

Abbas is expected to hold a meeting with the factions to discuss the legislative elections, and he is anticipated to deliver a speech on Thursday announcing the postponement of the elections over the failure to hold them in Jerusalem.

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Arab World

Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
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Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 

Following a series of intensified Israeli airstrikes on Damascus and the airports in Homs and Hama, as well as a ground incursion into the city of Nawa near Daraa, Israeli officials on Thursday escalated their rhetoric, issuing fresh threats to the Syrian leadership and warning of further military action—this time citing concerns over Turkish military activity in the region.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar voiced particular alarm over Türkiye’s growing role in Syria, Lebanon, and beyond. Speaking at a press conference in Paris, he said: “They are doing everything they can to turn Syria into a Turkish protectorate. That is clearly their intention.”

Defense Minister Israel Katz echoed this sentiment, stating that Israel “will not allow Damascus to become a security threat” to Israel.

Rising Concern Over Türkiye’s Military Footprint in Syria

Military officials in Tel Aviv confirm that Israel sees Türkiye’s growing military presence in Syria as a serious concern. Their fear stems from two key issues: first, Ankara’s reported efforts to rebuild the Syrian army along the lines of its own modernized military model; and second, its apparent goal of establishing a long-term military foothold inside Syrian territory.

Israeli defense sources point out that Türkiye’s armed forces operate based on a traditional ground warfare doctrine, featuring large-scale armored divisions and well-equipped infantry units—similar in style to the Russian military. This stands in contrast to the Israeli military, which relies heavily on air superiority and has long underinvested in ground forces.

Given this disparity, any significant Turkish deployment in Syria could pose a direct challenge to Israeli operations and raise the risk of confrontation.

While the recent Israeli airstrikes targeted mostly long-defunct Syrian military sites—many of which have been hit repeatedly over the years—the attacks signal a broader strategic shift.

In the wake of the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel, the Israeli military has moved away from a defensive posture of deterrence and containment. In its place, the army has embraced a more aggressive doctrine built around preemptive action.

This shift was further underscored by the appointment of a new chief of staff from the Armored Corps—the first in three decades—signaling a renewed emphasis on ground operations and offensive initiatives.

Not Just a Message to Türkiye

Despite the messaging around Türkiye’s presence, analysts say the recent wave of Israeli military action also serves broader geopolitical aims.

After failing to persuade Washington to pressure Ankara to scale back its involvement in Syria, Israel now appears determined to assert its own red lines militarily. The airstrike on the Scientific Studies and Research Center in Damascus—a facility already destroyed multiple times since 2018—was widely viewed as symbolic.

Israeli officials say the intended audience for that particular strike was Syrian interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, whom Israeli intelligence continues to refer to by his former nom de guerre, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. By launching the attack during the Eid al-Fitr holiday, Israel aimed to send a clear message: there will be no return to normalcy in Syria without accounting for Israeli interests.

Among those interests is normalization. Last month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated his desire to see Syria and Lebanon join the Abraham Accords and establish formal diplomatic ties with Israel.

Hardline figures within Netanyahu’s coalition believe Israel currently holds a strategic upper hand. As right-wing think tank head Meir Ben-Shabbat recently wrote: “Israel is in its strongest position ever. It is transforming the Middle East, expanding its military capabilities, and pushing back the Iranian axis—while Syria is at its weakest.”

For many in Israel’s ruling right, this is an ideal moment to push for a peace agreement with Syria, possibly even one involving Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Golan Heights.

The Real Audience: Domestic Israel

Still, perhaps the most significant message behind the military campaign is directed not at Ankara, Damascus, or even Tehran—but at Tel Aviv.

As protests against Netanyahu’s leadership have grown louder in recent months, military escalation has served as a convenient political shield. The wars in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, and Lebanon dominate public attention and have largely sidelined anti-government demonstrations.

“Netanyahu’s government must go, but we won’t take to the streets while our sons are fighting,” has become a common refrain among many Israelis who oppose his leadership but remain reluctant to protest during wartime.

By maintaining a state of conflict, Netanyahu is not only securing his coalition’s survival but also enabling his allies to advance a hardline agenda—particularly on the Palestinian issue—that would have faced greater resistance in peacetime.

Critics warn that this strategy, while politically expedient, comes at a steep cost to Israel’s democratic institutions, its judiciary, and the long-term stability of the region.