Tunisian Doctors Battle Virus Spike

According to data from Johns Hopkins University, Tunisia has reported Africa’s highest per-capita death toll from the coronavirus pandemic. (AP)
According to data from Johns Hopkins University, Tunisia has reported Africa’s highest per-capita death toll from the coronavirus pandemic. (AP)
TT

Tunisian Doctors Battle Virus Spike

According to data from Johns Hopkins University, Tunisia has reported Africa’s highest per-capita death toll from the coronavirus pandemic. (AP)
According to data from Johns Hopkins University, Tunisia has reported Africa’s highest per-capita death toll from the coronavirus pandemic. (AP)

A man wearing a protective suit quickly yet carefully places a black sheet over a COVID-19 victim laid out in a coffin in a courtyard at Ibn Jazzar Hospital in the Tunisian town of Kairouan. He then folds a white sheet on top and sprinkles the body with disinfectant from a small bottle.

Patients in the hospital’s overfilled COVID-19 ward are dying daily amid a spike in coronavirus infections in the North African country, with Kairouan and three other regions especially hard hit. At the regional hospital, tensions mount as personnel try to cope with scarce means.

“I’m shocked,” said Sana Kraiem, whose mother was put in a wheelchair in a roomful of COVID-19 patients, “like a dog,” she described.

“They told me they can’t free up a bed occupied by a dead person,” a distressed Kraiem said, The Associated Press reported.

The half-dozen rooms devoted to COVID-19 patients each packs in five or six beds. A patient who recently died was seen still occupying one of the beds in each room visited. A special service eventually removes the body.

Over the past month, confirmed virus infections in Tunisia have reached the highest daily levels since the pandemic began, but the vaccination rate remains low, according to data from Johns Hopkins University. Tunisia has reported Africa’s highest per-capita death toll from the pandemic, and is currently recording one of the highest per-capita infection rates in Africa, the data indicates.

The Kairouan region is living through “a real horror movie,” Mohamed Rouis, the regional health director in Kairouan, was quoted saying in Tunisian media earlier this month.

A temporary hospital has been set up on the outskirts of the city.

The army has also bolstered that with a military care facility under a green tent which houses a line of beds with monitoring equipment and respirators.

Despite the dire situation, there is no widespread testing for COVID-19 in the poor, rural region.

The Ibn Jazzar Hospital’s supervisor, Zohra Hedwej, explained that goodwill gestures by officials end up as frustrating half-measures, such as opening a section for coronavirus patients, without making provisions for medical staff.

“We resort to recruiting workers from other departments in the hospital,” Hedwej said.

“It’s very difficult to find volunteers because some don’t know the level of their (own) physical immunity, others fear for their relatives who have weak immunity. We want a stable workforce that is able to work.”

Hedwej said there is such a dearth of trained personnel that sophisticated equipment can’t be used at times.

“We need labor more than we need new equipment,” she said, adding that while equipment comes from donors — who are still needed — there is still a greater need for trained professionals “who can use it and take care of it.”

Facing an “alarming” growth in infections, the Tunisian government on Tuesday extended an overnight curfew and ordered stepped-up vaccination efforts in rural areas. But it resisted calls for a national lockdown because of public frustration at the economic impact on a population that’s already struggling with unemployment and economic decline.

Tunisia has reported more than 14,000 virus-related deaths amid its population of 12 million since the pandemic began, with more than 400 infections per 100,000 people in four regions, including Kairouan, where hospitals are over capacity.



Lebanese Ex-FM Mitri to Asharq Al-Awsat: No Alternative to Resolution 1701, Even if It Needs Rewording

Lebanese Former Foreign Minister Tarek Mitri.
Lebanese Former Foreign Minister Tarek Mitri.
TT

Lebanese Ex-FM Mitri to Asharq Al-Awsat: No Alternative to Resolution 1701, Even if It Needs Rewording

Lebanese Former Foreign Minister Tarek Mitri.
Lebanese Former Foreign Minister Tarek Mitri.

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701 forms the cornerstone for any diplomatic solution to the Israeli war on Lebanon, despite the loopholes caused by repeated violations since its adoption in August 2006.

Although rapid developments and Israel’s policy of destruction across Lebanese territories have made it difficult to be “built upon”, Lebanese former Foreign Minister Tarek Mitri stated that it is impossible to agree on an alternative resolution due to the sharp divisions within the Security Council and the veto power wielded by the United States and Russia.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Mitri emphasized that there is “no alternative to this resolution, although it requires a new preamble and rewording.”

Ambiguous clauses in the resolution have led to its repeated violations by both Israel and Hezbollah, as each interprets the provisions according to its own interests.

Mitri, who was one of the architects of the resolution when he served as acting foreign minister in former Prime Minister Fuad Siniora’s government, pointed out that all Security Council resolutions contain some ambiguities, and a careful reading of 1701 shows that while its tone is strong, its wording leaves room for interpretation.

“The main problem with resolution 1701, which led to its varied interpretations, is that it calls for a cessation of hostilities rather than a ceasefire. There was also ambiguity, especially in paragraph (8), which discusses security arrangements in the area between the Litani River and the Blue Line, making it free of armed personnel,” he said.

He also noted that the resolution was issued under Chapter VI, but the greatest confusion arose when it came to the role of the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) peacekeepers, as they were given the authority to take all necessary measures to prevent any military presence or unauthorized armed activities, as if it were issued under the UN’s Chapter VII article.

“Unfortunately, these forces did not fulfill their role, and instead of being a monitoring and intervention force, they themselves have become monitored,” he continued referring to their being tracked and confronted by Hezbollah supporters.

The developments of the July 2006 war led to the adoption of this resolution under fire and the massacres committed by Israel. Mitri did not hide the fact that resolution 1701 was not thoroughly studied, and all parties were primarily focused on agreeing to halt hostilities.

He noted that the resolution “would not have been issued if the Lebanese government, under the leadership of Fuad Siniora, had not decided to send 15,000 soldiers to the South. However, for various reasons, Lebanon was unable to fulfill this promise, first due to a lack of resources and the army being preoccupied with numerous tasks, including maintaining internal security.”

Although the resolution has been subject to continuous violations, which the Security Council has frequently evaluated and warned against, it has remained a framework that regulates the security situation along the Blue Line, which separates Lebanon and the occupied Palestinian territories.

The former minister pointed out that between the adoption of the resolution and the cessation of hostilities in 2006, and Oct. 7, 2023, “Hezbollah did not initiate any conflicts, its weapons were not visible, and its military activities were absent. Hezbollah considered itself compliant with resolution 1701 as required, while Israel violated Lebanese airspace thousands of times, even refusing to provide Lebanon with landmine maps, which led to the deaths of dozens of Lebanese civilians.”

On whether this resolution is still viable, Mitri noted that the true intentions of Benjamin Netanyahu’s government are unclear.

“The Americans are warning Netanyahu against a ground invasion, but he claims he only wants limited operations to target Hezbollah, which is uncertain,” he remarked.

He also highlighted contradictory signals, such as when the Americans and French presented their proposal for a ceasefire, Israel resorted to a rapid escalation in Lebanon.

Mitri expressed concerns based on previous Israeli experiences, saying: “In 2006, Israel claimed its operations in Lebanon aimed to strike Hezbollah, but they destroyed Lebanon, and today they are applying the same scenario, even though they have avoided targeting Beirut’s international airport and refrained from destroying bridges.”

He emphasized Lebanon’s role in opening a diplomatic window, stating that the country has no choice but to implement resolution 1701 and be prepared to send the army to the South.

“Israel knows the Lebanese government is weak, and if it obtains a commitment from Lebanon to implement the resolution, it will demand even more,” he stated.

Although many believe that resolution 1701 is no longer the valid international course to end the current war in Lebanon, Mitri ruled out the possibility of the Security Council issuing an alternative resolution.

He argued that the Security Council may renew the call for its implementation with some rewording and a new preamble.

He also explained that the international institution is paralyzed, with the US and Russian vetoes preventing any alternative decision.

“If Israel makes military advances, it will close the door to a diplomatic solution. However, if Hezbollah manages to withstand Israeli intervention, it could open the door for political solutions,” the former minister concluded.