Syria's Idlib Region Shifts Power Towards Solar

Across Syria, at least 90 percent lack a stable power supply, according to the United Nations' Development Program (UNDP), and panels are one solution - AFP
Across Syria, at least 90 percent lack a stable power supply, according to the United Nations' Development Program (UNDP), and panels are one solution - AFP
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Syria's Idlib Region Shifts Power Towards Solar

Across Syria, at least 90 percent lack a stable power supply, according to the United Nations' Development Program (UNDP), and panels are one solution - AFP
Across Syria, at least 90 percent lack a stable power supply, according to the United Nations' Development Program (UNDP), and panels are one solution - AFP

Huge solar panels poke out of pumpkin and tomato fields in Syria's northwest, where after infrastructure was destroyed during a decade of war, many have switched to renewable energy.

"We used to rely on diesel-powered generators, but it was a struggle with fuel shortages and price hikes," said Khaled Mustafa, one of dozens of farmers who set up panels in the Idlib region.

"So we opted for solar power instead," he said, AFP reported.

More than three million people live in the Idlib region in Syria's northwest.

Across Syria, at least 90 percent lack a stable power supply, according to the United Nations' Development Programme (UNDP).

In opposition areas, there is little hope of state-provided electricity.

Instead, the dark blue silicon panels have become common -- installed on roofs, in hospitals or between tents in massive displacement camps.

Once small and smoky diesel generators used to power many homes.

But with regular fuel shortages sending prices soaring, solar panels are now viewed as a cheaper, more efficient and reliable alternative.

In Mustafa's plot, solar panels hooked to rotating metal plates turn to follow the movement of the sun.

They are among 200 solar panels purchased two years ago by an agricultural cooperative of nearly 20 farmers, costing some $4,000.

The panels power water pumps from a well, irrigating three hectares (seven acres) of cooperative farmland, as well as neighboring fields.

"Even if (state) electricity is restored, solar energy will remain cheaper," said Mustafa.

- 'Valid alternative' -

Syria's electricity production was slashed by at least half during the conflict, but as fighting has calmed, renewable energy sources have increased, the UN says.

"Since armed clashes have decreased, and most of the country is in a more stable situation, solar energy production has spiked as a valid alternative," UNDP said.

In regime-controlled areas, solar panels provide power for both homes and public institutions like universities.

As for those under opposition control, one survey found eight percent used solar as the main source of power in their homes, according to a report in the Education and Conflict Review, published by Britain's University College London.

It also found a tenth of people used solar for heating water, and a third of people used solar as a secondary source of power, for lighting and charging batteries.

In town of Dana, shimmering solar power installations cover rooftops.

"Sales increased by 300 percent between 2018 and 2021," said solar panel salesman Abdulhakim Abdul Rahman. Farmers account for most of his clients.

A single agricultural project can require "100 panels, sometimes even 500", the trader said.

Abdul Rahman said the panels he imports -- mostly from Turkey, but also from Germany and China -- can last up to 20 years.

- Powering hospitals -

In his small apartment, Zakariya Sinno turns on a ceiling fan and blasts Syrian revolutionary anthems from a loudspeaker to show off the power of his solar set-up.

Like many of his neighbors, he has installed three panels on his roof.

"It's enough to power the fridge, the washing machine, and lighting," said Sinno.

Hospitals have also installed solar panels.

In 2017, the Union of Medical Care and Relief Organisations (UOSSM) launched its "Syria Solar" initiative to introduce renewable power for Idlib's hospitals.

It has since installed 480 panels in one general hospital, and 300 others in a separate orthopaedic facility.

It has also helped more than 40 other clinics in Idlib and northern Aleppo with technical assistance, so they can install solar systems.

Even if fuel shortages mean generators grind to a halt, solar power keeps "sensitive hospital departments, namely intensive care units, operating rooms and emergency departments" functional, said Talal Kanaan, a founder of the Syria Solar initiative.

"With solar energy, you can cover between 30 to 40 percent of the hospital's energy consumption," he said.



Cash Shortage Squeezes Gaza Residents

Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
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Cash Shortage Squeezes Gaza Residents

Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)
Palestinian children queue for a hot meal at a charity kitchen in Gaza City on April 30, 2025. (Photo by Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)

Even when food is available, many in Gaza cannot afford to buy it, as the enclave suffers from a severe cash shortage. Israel has blocked the entry of new currency into the territory since October 7, 2023, leaving residents at the mercy of money changers who have hiked exchange rates on remittances to exorbitant levels.

Palestinians in Gaza primarily rely on the Israeli shekel for daily transactions, which used to enter the strip through banks operating under the Palestinian Monetary Authority, supplied by the Bank of Israel.

Banking operations in Gaza have ground to a halt since the start of the war, and no fresh banknotes have entered the enclave, worsening an already dire humanitarian situation. Residents say they have been left at the mercy of traders who exploit the cash shortage to impose arbitrary rules on currency use.

'The Traders’ Game'

Dubbed “the traders’ game” by many in Gaza, the practice began with merchants refusing to accept worn-out banknotes and certain coins, such as the 10-shekel piece (worth about $3), which have all but vanished from local markets. Some vendors now reject older versions of bills - like the brown-hued 100-shekel note (around $28) - insisting instead on the newer yellow ones. The same rules apply to various denominations.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Hani Jahjouh, a resident of al-Shati Camp west of Gaza City, said vendors selling vegetables and essential goods - when available - often refuse worn banknotes or specific coins, claiming they are counterfeit or easily faked.

“This just adds to the burden of people already crushed by impossible living conditions,” said Jahjouh, 59. “We don’t have solutions. We don’t even know where to get the money they’re asking for.”

Only a very small number of traders accept digital payments, and even then, residents say, they impose tough conditions - such as inflated prices or demands for partial payment in cash.

Displaced Gazan Duaa Ismail, originally from Beit Hanoun in the north of the enclave, says even when goods are available, she cannot afford them due to a lack of cash.

“We’re suffering badly from a shortage of money, and that makes it even harder to get basic items like flour and sugar - when they’re even in stock,” she told Asharq Al-Awsat from a shelter in Gaza City’s Sheikh Radwan neighborhood.

Ismail said that during a brief ceasefire, some traders had accepted digital payments through mobile apps. “But once the war resumed, things worsened, and they stopped taking them altogether,” she said.

Salaries They Can’t Spend

The crisis has also hit public-sector employees, private workers, and international aid staff, many of whom receive salaries through bank transfers or mobile wallets but have no way of accessing their funds with banks shuttered. They are forced to rely on currency dealers or traders with access to physical cash.

Amjad Hasballah, an employee with the Palestinian Authority, said he has been cashing his monthly salary through mobile banking apps for over a year and a half, paying a steep commission to money traders in return.

“When I received my last salary in early April, the commission had reached 30%,” he said.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Hasballah explained that at the start of the war, commissions hovered around 5%, but they spiked during Ramadan, peaking at 35% around Eid al-Fitr, before dipping slightly to 30%.

“My salary is just 2,800 shekels. When I pay a 30% fee, there’s barely anything left,” he said bitterly. “At this point, the traders might as well take the whole salary and just give us pocket money.”

Caught in a Trap

Jamal Al-Mashal, a father of six who lost two children in an Israeli airstrike, said he lives off 1,000 shekels (about $280) in monthly international aid. But even that amount is slashed by up to 30% when he exchanges it through local traders.

“People in Gaza have become a cash trap for currency dealers and big traders,” he said. “They’re exploiting our desperation, and it’s like a harvest season for them - raking in profits while we suffer.”

The poorest and most vulnerable are hit hardest. Many international agencies rely on electronic payment platforms to distribute aid to these groups, who often have no access to physical currency.

No Oversight, No Restraint

The Hamas-run government has made attempts to cap commission rates at 5%, but those efforts have largely failed. Officials blame ongoing Israeli targeting of personnel involved in regulating the process.

Money changers defend the high fees, arguing that the lack of currency entering Gaza leaves them with limited options.

“We raise commission rates because there’s simply no new cash coming in,” one trader told Asharq Al-Awsat. “Once money is distributed to the public, we have no way of getting it back. What goes out doesn’t return.”

He added that while ministries and law enforcement have tried to impose limits, traders view the rules as unfair. “There have been attempts to regulate us, but we haven’t complied - they’re asking too much from us under impossible conditions,” he said.

Some municipal leaders and community elders in Gaza have recently appealed to the Palestinian Monetary Authority in Ramallah to intervene in what they describe as unchecked profiteering by traders controlling access to scarce cash.

They have called for greater oversight, including monitoring and freezing the traders’ bank accounts.

The authority has repeatedly warned against exploitation of civilians and threatened to take action. But in practice, traders continue to charge hefty commissions on money transfers with little deterrence.

The Authority has urged residents to use its Instant Payment System available through mobile banking apps, which it says offers a practical alternative to cash, promotes digital payments, and enables real-time transactions.

Cash Squeeze Tightens Further

Despite the hardship, Israel is considering new measures that could further tighten the financial stranglehold on Gaza. One proposal involves withdrawing the 200-shekel banknote (worth about $55) from circulation, on the grounds that Hamas allegedly uses it to pay salaries to its fighters.

The suggestion was reportedly made by Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar to Bank of Israel Governor Amir Yaron, who rejected the move. Other proposals include voiding the serial numbers of banknotes believed to be inside Gaza, effectively rendering them worthless, a step that could deliver a significant financial blow to Hamas.

According to a report published Tuesday by the Israeli daily Maariv, the proposal has backing from several ministers and economists both within and outside the central bank.

The report estimated that around 10 billion shekels in high-denomination bills - 100 and 200 shekels - remain in circulation within Gaza. These notes entered the enclave over the years through official banking channels supplied by the Bank of Israel.

Economists told Maariv that Gaza residents receive an estimated 150 to 200 million shekels each month through digital transfers from aid organizations and the Palestinian Authority. That money is then converted into cash within markets dominated by Hamas and supported by a network of money changers.

Israeli security sources estimate that Hamas has accumulated up to five billion shekels since the war began and has spent nearly one billion shekels on salaries for fighters and new recruits. The sources claim Hamas has profited significantly by reselling aid and fuel at inflated prices during the conflict.