Yemenis Exasperated with Prolonged War, Houthi Coup

A Yemeni boy checks damage following a mortar attack in the city of Taiz, February 2016. (Getty Images)
A Yemeni boy checks damage following a mortar attack in the city of Taiz, February 2016. (Getty Images)
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Yemenis Exasperated with Prolonged War, Houthi Coup

A Yemeni boy checks damage following a mortar attack in the city of Taiz, February 2016. (Getty Images)
A Yemeni boy checks damage following a mortar attack in the city of Taiz, February 2016. (Getty Images)

Yemenis are growing increasingly frustrated and exasperated with the prolongation of their country’s conflict and the Iran-backed Houthi militias’ ongoing coup against the legitimate authorities.

The conflict has entered its fourth year with political efforts to resolve it stumbling at the Houthis’ rejection of a solution and their insistence on alone ruling Yemen to fulfill Iran’s expansionist ambitions.

The legitimate authorities, meanwhile, are fragmented and divided and have been unable throughout the years to achieve military victory despite the unlimited support offered to it by the Saudi-led Arab coalition on all levels.

The stalemate is deepening the suffering of some 30 million Yemenis, who are mired in poverty, lack basic services and have to content with Houthi oppression.

Several officials urged through Asharq Al-Awsat the need to speed up efforts to overcome the stalemate. They called for ending the division within the national front that is opposed to the coup, underscoring the need for political and military reform to enable the legitimate powers to achieve a decisive victory and reclaim the country from the militias.

Opportunistic political powers
Yemeni journalist Waddah Al-Jaleel blamed the frequent setbacks in the country on the state of fragmentation and division within the national front.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, he slammed the political powers as “opportunistic,” saying they are competing with each other over “narrow interests” and “hording gains.”

These powers are a product of “long decades of tutelage, marginalization, ideological struggle and years of pent-up frustration against each other,” he explained. “They have reached such a point that they can no longer set aside their grudges and work within a united front to confront the fateful challenges posed by the Houthis.”

These political powers have “obstructed society’s ability to produce groups and formations that can wage crucial battles. On the one hand, society has fallen in the trap of the stagnation of these forces in performing their duties. On the other, large segments of the youth belong to these forces and powers. They too have fallen into the trap of political bickering and have grown suspicious and spiteful of each other.”

This has all allowed the Houthis vast room to manipulate Yemeni society with the support of the regime in Iran, stressed Al-Jaleel.

The Yemenis need to overcome this state by setting aside these parties and forming new ones that can properly address the fateful challenges confronting the country, including the Houthis and Iran’s influence, he suggested.

Errors
Researcher and academic Dr. Fares Al-Beel was quick to blame the Yemeni forces for prolonging the war due to their mistakes and lax approach in handling issues.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat: “The Yemenis have reached a desperate conclusion over their crisis. (…) They are caught between the Houthis, whose fire can only be doused by tackling the root. These flames started off as minor but have since grown due to the errors of the Yemenis and their laziness in dealing with them.”

He lamented how for seven years the Houthis have been able to expand in Yemen while the world has offered them options, instead of viewing them as the aggressors. The militias even refuse peace agreements that would make them a legitimate force, he noted.

The Houthis don’t even need such deals because the “powerlessness” of their rivals encourages them to maintain the current status quo.

He blamed the “weakness, fragmentation and corruption of the legitimate forces” for their failure to achieve a decisive victory in the conflict against the Houthis. This weakness has led to the failure in restoring the state. The power of the state does not come close to the strength and size of the Houthis.

Moreover, al-Beel criticized the legitimate authorities for limiting themselves to political negotiations with the Houthis despite realizing that such talks will not restore the state.

The weakness of the legitimate power and brutality of the Houthis are destroying the Yemenis, who are grappling with the worst crisis on earth, he added.

Their legitimate government is not even carrying out the bare minimum of its duties, he noted. “It can do a lot in easing the suffering of the people, but it is too preoccupied with internal disputes.”

“The Yemenis have one choice: For the legitimate authority to wake up and amend its mistakes immediately. It should sincerely and transparently dedicate all of its efforts in restoring the state and defeating the Iranian agenda. Only then will all sides support it and will the Houthis be defeated,” he explained.

Division and lack of planning
Political analyst Mahmoud Al-Taher criticized the legitimate forces for their “division and lack of strategic planning.”

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he also blamed a political faction, which he did not name, for “controlling the legitimacy, while other combat units refuse to take part in the fateful national battle.”

Moreover, he slammed the paranoid state of political factions that constantly question each other’s loyalties to the detriment of the military battles.

“Unfortunately, the real problem lies in the Yemeni legitimate forces. Had they been vigilant to this battle, they would not have allowed the tribes to rise up in al-Bayda and wage the fight alone against the Houthis. The legitimacy should have instead waged battles on all the fronts at the same time to force the Houthis to accept peace,” he stated.

After the liberation of southern provinces, the Yemeni government paused to hear out the international community’s advice on stopping the war, he continued. “This allowed the Houthis to catch their breath, play the game of prolonging the conflict and infiltrate tribes and deepen its political, ideological and financial influences. They therefore, managed to shift from a defensive position to an offensive one.”

He blamed political disputes within the legitimate forces and all other groups that are opposed to the Houthis for the delay in achieving victory against the militias.

Furthermore, he spoke of “the corruption of politician and military commanders, who have turned the war into a way of achieving economic interests.” He further criticized “weak strategic political, military and media planning” in confronting the Houthis.

Al-Taher said he feared the prolongation of the war would lead to Yemen’s division into statelets and the elimination of all opponents of the Iranian agenda.

At the same time, he expressed some optimism that the Yemenis would be capable of victory if they “amend their errors and unite all political forces towards a common goal.”

“The Yemenis will not achieve victory as long as some forces in the southern provinces are prepared to fight each other, in complete disregard of the imminent Iranian threat,” he warned.

He also doubted that international efforts can resolve the war. “Only the Yemenis or legitimacy will be victorious. Waiting on the international community will not lead to peace because the victor on the ground is the one who sets conditions, changes the course of events and writes history.”



US-Iran Deal Leaves Major Lebanon Questions Unresolved

Displaced families drive past a man holding the Hezbollah party flag as they drive along the highway through the area of Jiyyeh as they return to their home villages in southern Lebanon on June 15, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced families drive past a man holding the Hezbollah party flag as they drive along the highway through the area of Jiyyeh as they return to their home villages in southern Lebanon on June 15, 2026. (AFP)
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US-Iran Deal Leaves Major Lebanon Questions Unresolved

Displaced families drive past a man holding the Hezbollah party flag as they drive along the highway through the area of Jiyyeh as they return to their home villages in southern Lebanon on June 15, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced families drive past a man holding the Hezbollah party flag as they drive along the highway through the area of Jiyyeh as they return to their home villages in southern Lebanon on June 15, 2026. (AFP)

A deal between Washington and Tehran that ends the Israel-Hezbollah war leaves many issues in Lebanon unresolved, failing to mention Israel withdrawing from the country or an end to Tehran's support for the armed group.

Under US pressure, Lebanese officials have been holding direct talks with Israel aimed at reaching a separate agreement on ending the hostilities, but Beirut appeared to have been sidelined with the overnight announcement on the regional conflict.

AFP looks at the deal and the questions it raises in Lebanon.

- What does the deal involve? -

Details of the agreement to end the Middle East war on all fronts have not been made public, but Iran and mediator Pakistan have both said it includes Lebanon.

Hezbollah drew the country into the Middle East war on March 2 with rocket fire at Israel to avenge the killing of Iran's supreme leader in US-Israeli strikes.

Israel responded with airstrikes and a ground invasion that Lebanon says have killed more than 3,700 people and displaced more than one million others.

An official source told AFP that "Lebanon was not informed of the terms of the agreement or the time of the ceasefire".

Influential Lebanese parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, a Hezbollah ally and intermediary for the group, thanked Washington and Tehran for their "insistence on including... an essential and binding clause on halting the Israeli aggression on all of Lebanon".

Hezbollah on Monday had so far not claimed any fresh attacks on Israeli targets.

- Israeli withdrawal? -

Information circulating about the deal does not mention any Israeli withdrawal from south Lebanon, and Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz on Monday said forces would remain in the country indefinitely.

Karim Bitar, a lecturer in Middle East Studies at the Sciences Po University in Paris, said that "the deal does not seem to involve Israel, which immediately meant that it wasn't a party to it... So it's very unlikely that there will be an Israeli withdrawal from south Lebanon."

Israeli forces control a strip of Lebanese territory running along the entire border.

A Western military source told AFP that Israeli forces had crossed the Litani River at several points, referring to the waterway running about 30 kilometers (20 miles) from the frontier but closer in some areas.

"Tens of thousands of Israeli soldiers" are in south Lebanon where they hold some established positions, the source said, adding that Hezbollah still had a presence there.

"It's the biggest invasion since their withdrawal in 2000," the source said, referring to Israel's previous pullout after some two decades of occupation.

Hezbollah says it sent reinforcements south of the Litani after the latest war erupted.

Under a 2024 ceasefire that followed a previous round of hostilities, Hezbollah fighters were supposed to withdraw from the area.

- What future for Hezbollah? -

Washington has pressured Lebanese authorities to disarm Hezbollah for months, but the accord makes no mention of the group.

"Iran doesn't seem to have committed to ending its support and financing for Hezbollah," Bitar said.

Military expert Riad Kahwaji said that "Hezbollah will not agree to give up arms... and this crisis will be protracted."

He said this could lead to political instability and even unrest, "especially now Hezbollah believes that through Iran it has emerged victorious from this agreement, and therefore is going to try and dictate its terms on who rules."

- Lebanon-Israel negotiations? -

Lebanon and Israel have been holding direct talks in Washington since April, seeking to end the hostilities and to separate Lebanon from the regional war.

A new round is scheduled for later this month.

Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said Monday that "we will redouble our efforts" through the Washington negotiations "to secure a full Israeli withdrawal."

But after the Iran-US announcement, some cast doubt on the effectiveness of the bilateral negotiations.

Bitar said that "Lebanon could find itself once again as a scapegoat that pays the price both of American amateurism, Iranian cynicism, Israeli hubris and... the lack of a clear strategy from its own political class."


Lebanese Mourn Homes, Livelihoods Destroyed by Israel in Southern City

 People make their way through the rubble of a destroyed building as residents displaced by fighting return to Nabatieh in southern Lebanon on June 15, 2026. (AFP)
People make their way through the rubble of a destroyed building as residents displaced by fighting return to Nabatieh in southern Lebanon on June 15, 2026. (AFP)
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Lebanese Mourn Homes, Livelihoods Destroyed by Israel in Southern City

 People make their way through the rubble of a destroyed building as residents displaced by fighting return to Nabatieh in southern Lebanon on June 15, 2026. (AFP)
People make their way through the rubble of a destroyed building as residents displaced by fighting return to Nabatieh in southern Lebanon on June 15, 2026. (AFP)

When Kamal Kamal heard a ceasefire deal had been agreed between Iran and the United States, he rushed back to the southern city of Nabatieh only to find an Israeli strike had reduced his life's work to rubble.

The city, usually home to some 90,000 people before the latest war between Israel and Hezbollah erupted on March 2, was largely deserted as Israel pressed its military offensive in the area in recent days.

Kamal fought back tears as he stared stunned at the pile of rubble that used to be his roastery and warehouse for coffee and other products, after Israel pummeled the region with strikes and issued sweeping evacuation orders.

"When I opened it in the seventies, I was still a young man... now nothing is left," he said, leaning heavily on a walking stick and surveying the vast destruction.

"How my life has been spent in vain here!"

The war in Lebanon has been included in the framework deal to end the broader Middle East war.

But Lebanon's army on Monday urged displaced residents to delay their return to southern border villages, citing the "risk of Israeli violations and attacks".

Iran-backed group Hezbollah issued a similar warning.

Yet residents who have cautiously returned to Nabatieh have expressed dismay at the huge damage Israel inflicted on the city's neighborhoods and its famed market, where the roofing had collapsed and shops were devastated.

An AFP photographer also saw destruction to homes and businesses in the city, which has served as a hub of economic, social and services activity.

- 'Sorrow and grief' -

The city's municipality said in a statement that it had asked residents not to return "at the present time under any circumstances", citing the security situation.

The Lebanese army had set up a checkpoint at the entrance to the city, advising locals about the roads that they could take as intermittent artillery shelling rang out and smoke rose up.

The flow of residents to Nabatieh picked up later in the day, with people inspecting their homes and properties as heavy machinery worked to remove rubble and clear roads.

In one heavily damaged neighborhood, Rana Nasrallah surveyed her destroyed home, the rubble strewn with clothes, furniture and pot plants.

The 45-year-old had fled with her family to the coastal city of Sidon during the war.

"We grew up in this neighborhood. We used to play here as children. And here's where the older women used to sit and chat, the historic Nabatieh market before us... the landmarks that they perhaps wanted to erase," she said.

"As soon as the ceasefire was declared and before any official (Lebanese) announcement... we got going and came here. We couldn't wait any longer.

"We came to breathe in the scent of our land... even if there are no homes to shelter us and there is no work, still it's a relief for our souls."

In the face of the huge damage in Nabatieh and other south Lebanon towns and villages, including where Israeli forces have carried out sweeping demolitions, Nasrallah still expressed hope of returning permanently.

"Despite the sorrow and grief at seeing the city destroyed... we are filled with hope that we will rebuild," she said.

"Not once did we feel defeated or that we would not triumph, or that we would not return to rebuild Nabatieh."


Ghalibaf: Ambitious ‘Public Face’ of Post-Ali Khamenei Iran

Iran’s Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf (R) meets with Pakistan’s Army Chief Syed Asim Munir in Tehran, Iran, May 23, 2026. (AFP)
Iran’s Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf (R) meets with Pakistan’s Army Chief Syed Asim Munir in Tehran, Iran, May 23, 2026. (AFP)
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Ghalibaf: Ambitious ‘Public Face’ of Post-Ali Khamenei Iran

Iran’s Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf (R) meets with Pakistan’s Army Chief Syed Asim Munir in Tehran, Iran, May 23, 2026. (AFP)
Iran’s Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf (R) meets with Pakistan’s Army Chief Syed Asim Munir in Tehran, Iran, May 23, 2026. (AFP)

Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has emerged as the key negotiator and one of the most high-profile figures in the epublic's leadership as it enters a new phase after the US-Israeli war.

A pillar of the Iranian establishment for some three decades and one of its most prominent non-clerical figures, Ghalibaf, 64, had spearheaded the war effort and led the high-stakes negotiating process that culminated with an agreement announced Monday to halt the hostilities.

Ghalibaf survived more than five weeks of US-Israeli attacks on Iran that killed supreme leader Ali Khamenei, top security official Ali Larijani and a host of other key figures.

He came into public view for the first time in weeks in April to lead the Iranian delegation in talks in Islamabad with the United States, meeting Vice President JD Vance, the highest-level contact between the two foes since before the 1979 revolution.

An image published on social media by Iranian embassies abroad put Ghalibaf center stage in the Iranian negotiating team, looking animated and gesturing with his hand, as Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi busied himself with teacups.

The workings of the Iranian leadership without Khamenei, who dominated it for nearly four decades, remain unclear.

Khamenei's son Mojtaba was named as his successor but has yet to appear publicly after he was reportedly wounded in an airstrike.

"Following Larijani's assassination, Ghalibaf has emerged as the new public face of the regime's war effort and diplomacy," said Farzan Sabet, a managing researcher at the Geneva Graduate Institute.

"But we shouldn't overstate the extent to which he's in the driver's seat: He still answers to higher powers in Tehran," he added.

These include Mojtaba Khamenei and the Revolutionary Guards, the ideological arm of Iran's military, where Ghalibaf was a key figure as aerospace forces commander, Sabet said.

- 'Professional bargainer' -

While the trip to Islamabad was Ghalibaf's first appearance in public since before the war, he has kept a high profile online with almost daily social media posts, mixing commentary on recent developments and the negotiations with threats of harsh retaliation should the fighting resume.

His posts on X in idiomatic American English have garnered wide attention and raised questions over who is actually writing them, given Ghalibaf is not known to be a fluent English speaker.

Referring to threats of a ground invasion, a post on Ghalibaf's X account said on April 1: "You come for our home... you're gonna meet the whole family. Locked, loaded and standing tall. Bring it on."

The IranWire news site has said the posts appeared to have been written by a former adviser based in the United States, but this has not been confirmed.

While the Islamabad talks failed, The Washington Post reported that Ghalibaf left a striking impression on the US delegation after years when Washington never dealt directly with key Iranian decision makers.

Ghalibaf "impressed the American team as a refined and professional bargainer -- and potential leader of a new Iran", said the Post.

In a sign of his expanding sway, he was appointed in May to oversee Iran's vital relationship with China, the biggest buyer of Iranian oil.

- 'Ambitious and opportunistic' -

Ghalibaf's varied experience, which spans military and civilian life, has seen him work as a commander in the Revolutionary Guards, Tehran police chief, Tehran mayor and now speaker of parliament.

It is unclear if he is fully trusted by the new hardline hierarchy of the Guards.

Known to be fiercely ambitious, he has stood for the Iranian presidency on multiple occasions but has never been successful, most notably in 2005 when ultra-conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, little-known at the time, took the job.

A qualified pilot, Ghalibaf is known for boasting that he is able to captain jumbo jets.

Human rights groups have accused Ghalibaf, in his various functions, of playing a key role in suppressing protests, from the 1999 student demonstrations to the 2009 Green movement that erupted after a disputed election, right up to the nationwide protests that peaked in January 2026, just before the latest war.

"As a politician, he's shown himself to be ambitious and opportunistic, but also cautious, a trait that has helped him advance his career to the top of the country's power structure without getting purged like so many others have been," said Sabet.