Blast and Financial Crisis Weigh Heavily on Mental Health of Lebanese

Noelle Jouane, a mental health program manager at the Bekaa unit of Medecins du Monde, which provides medical care, attends an interview with Reuters in Beirut, Lebanon July 23, 2021. (Reuters)
Noelle Jouane, a mental health program manager at the Bekaa unit of Medecins du Monde, which provides medical care, attends an interview with Reuters in Beirut, Lebanon July 23, 2021. (Reuters)
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Blast and Financial Crisis Weigh Heavily on Mental Health of Lebanese

Noelle Jouane, a mental health program manager at the Bekaa unit of Medecins du Monde, which provides medical care, attends an interview with Reuters in Beirut, Lebanon July 23, 2021. (Reuters)
Noelle Jouane, a mental health program manager at the Bekaa unit of Medecins du Monde, which provides medical care, attends an interview with Reuters in Beirut, Lebanon July 23, 2021. (Reuters)

Tatiana Hasrouty had always felt safe in her home, a few kilometers away from Beirut port where her father had worked for decades at the facility’s grain silo. But on Aug. 4, the huge chemical explosion that destroyed the structure killed her father and tore her life apart.

Ghassan Hasrouty was in the operations room monitoring the unloading of a grain shipment when the ammonium nitrate that had been stored unsafely for years at the port exploded killing him and over 200 people and destroying large parts of the capital.

“I was sleeping when the blast happened so it was as if my place of safety and rest was no longer there and my father who was my soul... he also was no longer there,” 20-year-old Tatiana said.

Though physically unharmed by the blast that wreaked havoc in her house, she immediately felt a psychological scar and reached out for mental health support.

Psychiatrists, therapists and NGO workers cite a surge in Lebanese seeking psychological care over the past year as the country’s deepening financial crisis combined with the explosion and a global pandemic weigh heavily on the population.

Dr. Georges Karam, head of public relations at the Institute for Development, Research, Advocacy and Applied Care (IDRAAC) says the center, which provides free mental health care, had seen a fourfold increase in patients since the financial crisis erupted in Oct. 2019.

Even more sought help in the weeks following the blast, when around 20 patients a day approached IDRAAC’s walk-in clinic.

Dr. Karam says he still sees at least three patients a week with mental trauma directly related to the blast.

Around 90% of patients who experience such trauma get better in a few months, but for 10% the effects linger for years and funding for free treatment is running scarce, he said.

“The problem going forward is what to do now as we know a lot of people still need help,” he said.

Noelle Jouane, a mental health program manager at the Bekaa unit of Medecins du Monde, which provides medical care, also noted the surge.

Prior to the financial crisis and the blast 80% of their patients were refugees or foreigners, but now most are Lebanese.

“When someone receives a hit, first you don’t really feel the pain but after a few days it starts to hurt,” Jouane said.

For those who can’t access free mental health services, paid treatment is often out of reach as few insurers reimburse it.

Terrible situation
Lebanon’s economic meltdown has seen its currency lose over 90% of its value in less than two years plunging more than half of the population into poverty.

Worsening shortages of basic goods including fuel and medicine have made daily life a struggle for many with parts of Beirut still looking like a bomb site.

“People are in shock, they don’t know where to go and what to do … the fear of not finding resources… it’s like someone is suffering and can’t see the light at the end of the tunnel,” Jouane said.

Shortages of medicines have affected psychiatric patients who could relapse and need hospitalization, experts warn.

“I saw 17 or 18 patients one day and all had the problem, they couldn’t find their medication and more than half have been taking half the dosage to ration what is remaining,” Dr. Karam said.

“It is a terrible situation.”

Joumana Ammar, a child and adolescent psychotherapist at the American University of Beirut Medical Center said she has treated many children over the past year experiencing symptoms such as separation anxiety and bed-wetting as a result of the blast.

A teenage patient saw their health condition worsen when they couldn’t find their prescription medicine in pharmacies, Ammar said.



Why is Israel Launching Crackdown in the West Bank after the Gaza Ceasefire?

Israeli army vehicles are seen during a military operation in the West Bank city of Jenin, Tuesday, Jan. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed).
Israeli army vehicles are seen during a military operation in the West Bank city of Jenin, Tuesday, Jan. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed).
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Why is Israel Launching Crackdown in the West Bank after the Gaza Ceasefire?

Israeli army vehicles are seen during a military operation in the West Bank city of Jenin, Tuesday, Jan. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed).
Israeli army vehicles are seen during a military operation in the West Bank city of Jenin, Tuesday, Jan. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed).

In the days since a fragile ceasefire took hold in the Gaza Strip, Israel has launched a major military operation in the occupied West Bank and suspected Jewish settlers have rampaged through two Palestinian towns.

The violence comes as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faces domestic pressure from his far-right allies after agreeing to the truce and hostage-prisoner exchange with the Hamas militant group. US President Donald Trump has, meanwhile, rescinded the Biden administration's sanctions against Israelis accused of violence in the territory.

It's a volatile mix that could undermine the ceasefire, which is set to last for at least six weeks and bring about the release of dozens of hostages in exchange for hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, most of whom will be released into the West Bank.

Israel captured the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem in the 1967 Mideast war, and Palestinians want all three territories for their future state. Escalations in one area frequently spill over, raising further concerns that the second and far more difficult phase of the Gaza ceasefire - which has yet to be negotiated - may never come.

Dozens of masked men rampaged through two Palestinian villages in the northern West Bank late Monday, hurling stones and setting cars and property ablaze, according to local Palestinian officials. The Red Crescent emergency service said 12 people were beaten and wounded.

Israeli forces, meanwhile, carried out a raid elsewhere in the West Bank that the military said was in response to the hurling of firebombs at Israeli vehicles. It said several suspects were detained for questioning, and a video circulating online appeared to show dozens being marched through the streets.
On Tuesday, the Israeli military launched another major operation, this time in the northern West Bank city of Jenin, where its forces have regularly clashed with Palestinian militants in recent years, even before Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack out of the Gaza Strip triggered the war there.

At least nine Palestinians were killed on Tuesday, including a 16-year-old, and 40 were wounded, the Palestinian Health Ministry said. The military said its forces carried out airstrikes and dismantled roadside bombs and "hit" 10 militants - though it was not clear what that meant.

Palestinian residents have reported a major increase in Israeli checkpoints and delays across the territory.

Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz cast the Jenin operation as part of Israel's larger struggle against Iran and its militant allies across the region, saying "we will strike the octopus' arms until they snap."

The Palestinians view such operations and the expansion of settlements as ways of cementing Israeli control over the territory, where 3 million Palestinians live under seemingly open-ended Israeli military rule, with the Western-backed Palestinian Authority administering cities and towns.

Prominent human rights groups call it a form of apartheid since the over 500,000 Jewish settlers in the territory have all the rights conferred by Israeli citizenship. Israel rejects those allegations.

Netanyahu has been struggling to quell a rebellion by his ultranationalist coalition partners since agreeing to the ceasefire. The agreement requires Israeli forces to withdraw from most of Gaza and release hundreds of Palestinian prisoners - including militants convicted of murder - in exchange for hostages abducted in the Oct. 7 attack.

One coalition partner, Itamar Ben-Gvir, resigned in protest the day the ceasefire went into effect. Another, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, has threatened to bolt if Israel does not resume the war after the first phase of the ceasefire is slated to end in early March.

They want Israel to annex the West Bank and to rebuild settlements in Gaza while encouraging what they refer to as the voluntary migration of large numbers of Palestinians.

Netanyahu still has a parliamentary majority after Ben-Gvir's departure, but the loss of Smotrich - who is also the de facto governor of the West Bank - would severely weaken his coalition and likely lead to early elections.

That could spell the end of Netanyahu's nearly unbroken 16 years in power, leaving him even more exposed to longstanding corruption charges and an expected public inquiry into Israel's failure to prevent the Oct. 7 attack.

Trump's return to the White House offers Netanyahu a potential lifeline.

The newly sworn-in president, who lent unprecedented support to Israel during his previous term, has surrounded himself with aides who support Israeli settlement. Some support the settlers' claim to a biblical right to the West Bank because of the Jewish kingdoms that existed there in antiquity.

The international community overwhelmingly considers settlements illegal.

Among the flurry of executive orders Trump signed on his first day back in office was one rescinding the Biden administration's sanctions on settlers and Jewish extremists accused of violence against Palestinians.

The sanctions - which had little effect - were one of the few concrete steps the Biden administration took in opposition to the close US ally, even as it provided billions of dollars in military support for Israel's campaign in Gaza, among the deadliest and most destructive in decades.

Trump claimed credit for helping to get the Gaza ceasefire agreement across the finish line in the final days of the Biden presidency.

But this week, Trump said he was "not confident" it would hold and signaled he would give Israel a free hand in Gaza, saying: "It's not our war, it's their war."