A Massacre in Kabul

The deadly “incident” that killed seven kids is a reminder of the high price of war.

In this Aug. 30, 2021, photo provided by the US Air Force, a Air Force aircrew, assigned to the 816th Expeditionary Airlift Squadron, prepares to receive soldiers, assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division, to board a US Air Force C-17 Globemaster III aircraft in support of the final noncombatant evacuation operation missions at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul Afghanistan. (Senior Airman Taylor Crul/US Air Force via AP)
In this Aug. 30, 2021, photo provided by the US Air Force, a Air Force aircrew, assigned to the 816th Expeditionary Airlift Squadron, prepares to receive soldiers, assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division, to board a US Air Force C-17 Globemaster III aircraft in support of the final noncombatant evacuation operation missions at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul Afghanistan. (Senior Airman Taylor Crul/US Air Force via AP)
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A Massacre in Kabul

In this Aug. 30, 2021, photo provided by the US Air Force, a Air Force aircrew, assigned to the 816th Expeditionary Airlift Squadron, prepares to receive soldiers, assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division, to board a US Air Force C-17 Globemaster III aircraft in support of the final noncombatant evacuation operation missions at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul Afghanistan. (Senior Airman Taylor Crul/US Air Force via AP)
In this Aug. 30, 2021, photo provided by the US Air Force, a Air Force aircrew, assigned to the 816th Expeditionary Airlift Squadron, prepares to receive soldiers, assigned to the 82nd Airborne Division, to board a US Air Force C-17 Globemaster III aircraft in support of the final noncombatant evacuation operation missions at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul Afghanistan. (Senior Airman Taylor Crul/US Air Force via AP)

Zemarai Ahmadi, 40, and his brother-in-law, Naser Nejrabi, 25, fit the perfect profile of Afghans at risk for their prominent role in reconstruction of their country in the past two decades. Zemarai worked for a California-based nutrition charity while Nasser served with the US forces in Herat before enrolling in the Afghan National Army. Their close relative Ahmad Nasser also fit the bill as a former interpreter for US forces.

But, even though they had applied for Special Immigration Visas, they were not to be among the tens of thousands of at-risk Afghans who were evacuated out of Afghanistan in the last few weeks. Instead, they met their death last Thursday in a drone strike that killed them along with seven related children, two of whom were under two years old. In something of a sick irony, Afghans deemed at-risk from Taliban due to their associations with US ended up being killed in an airstrike — by the United States. The family were collateral damage in a strike aimed at the terror group ISIS-K.

On August 14, just a few weeks before the attack, Ahmad Naser’s American supervisor, Timothy Williams, had wrote in support of his SIV application, testifying that he was in “grave danger” due to his “commitment to American and NATO forces” and that he did not pose “any threat to the safety or security of the United States and its citizens.” Little did he know that it was the forces of the United States that posted a threat to Nasser’s lives and that of his family.

The US withdrawal from Afghanistan has been primarily discussed as a tragic story of betrayal of allies left behind. This rings true for millions of Afghans, especially Afghan women, who indeed feel betrayed. Within days of Taliban’s rise to power, their hard-won achievements of the last two decades, in fields such as education, entertainment and sports are already threatened. But this should not let us lose sight of the very real costs of US’s ongoing military operations in Afghanistan.

The fact that a strike meant to target a terror group has instead killed seven children and three US-linked adults has attracted international headlines. The fact that it happened in the capital city of Kabul and following a brutal ISIS-K strike that killed 13 American soldiers and dozens of Afghan civilians has focused more attention on it.

But those who’ve followed the war in Afghanistan know that this is nothing new. Of the more than 14,000 drone strikes that the United States has conducted during its 20-years-long War on Terror, more than 13,000 took place in Afghanistan. While they’ve successfully killed thousands of militants, they’ve also killed hundreds of civilians, including anything between 66 to 184 children.

Speaking on the Thursday incident, Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said the strike targeted “what we believed to be a very real, a very specific and a very imminent threat.”

“Make no mistake,” he added.” no military on the face of the Earth works harder to avoid civilian casualties than the United States’ military, and nobody wants to see innocent life taken.”

True as this may be, drone strikes, their dubious legality and dozens of civilians and children they’ve killed will haunt the decision-makers and practitioners of the War on Terror era in the United States and beyond. How many people will flock to Taliban and other anti-Western forces every time a drone strike massacres an innocent family?

I am not, and will never be, a pacifist. The United States, along with the international community, was right to take the fight to Taliban after they had harbored perpetrators of the brutal September 11 attacks. It was right to target ISIS and help dismantle it. The anti-Taliban resistance in the Panjshir valley, led by Ahmad Massoud and Afghanistan’s acting president, Amrullah Saleh, is right to fight. They deserve international support.

But as the United States goes through an intensive reevaluation of its foreign policy and warfare priorities, it should ask deep questions about its practice of drone strikes and all the innocent lives it has taken. If all the focus is on hurting the capacities of terror groups, without changing the conditions such as state failure that allows them to breed, terrorism will never be “defeated.”

A war fought from skies is an unfortunately apt allegory for how uncommitted the United States has been to Afghan reconstruction; a disastrous course that started when the Bush administration decided that it wanted to shift its focus on Iraq. As hyper-partisan debates in DC are to inevitably fill the air in the coming months, balance and honest reappraisal of the last 20 years will be key. In this, one has to never forget the face of real victims of war; those like Sumaya and Aya, two Afghan girls short of two years, who were killed last week in one of the last operations of the longest American war in history.



Israel’s Settler Pressure on West Bank Villages Stirs Annexation Fears 

A Palestinian man sits with his son next to a herd of goats, outside of their tent, near Jericho, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, February 9, 2025. (Reuters)
A Palestinian man sits with his son next to a herd of goats, outside of their tent, near Jericho, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, February 9, 2025. (Reuters)
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Israel’s Settler Pressure on West Bank Villages Stirs Annexation Fears 

A Palestinian man sits with his son next to a herd of goats, outside of their tent, near Jericho, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, February 9, 2025. (Reuters)
A Palestinian man sits with his son next to a herd of goats, outside of their tent, near Jericho, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, February 9, 2025. (Reuters)

Just meters from the last houses in Bardala, a Palestinian village at the northern end of the occupied West Bank, Israel's army has been bulldozing a dirt road and ditch between the community and open grazing land on the hills behind it.

Israel's military told Reuters the works were for security and to allow it to patrol the area following the killing of an Israeli civilian in August near the village by a man from another town. It did not detail what it was building there.

Farmers from the fertile Jordan Valley village fear the army patrols and Israeli settlers moving in will exclude them from pastures that feed around 10,000 sheep and goats, as has happened in other parts of the West Bank, undercutting their livelihoods and eventually driving from the village.

Israeli settler outposts have appeared around the village since last year, with clusters of blue and white Israeli flags newly fluttering from nearby hilltops. The settlers intimidated semi-nomadic Bedouin shepherds to abandon their camps in the area last year, four Bedouin families and Israeli human rights NGOs told Reuters.

The tighter military control in the Jordan Valley and arrival of settler outposts in the area over the past months are new developments in a part of the West Bank that had mostly avoided the build up of Israel's presence on the ground in central areas of the Palestinian territory.

With each advance of Israeli settlements and roads, the territory becomes more fractured, further undermining prospects for a contiguous land on which Palestinians could build a sovereign state. Most countries consider Israel's settlements in the occupied West Bank to be illegal.

Over recent weeks, caravans and shelters have begun appearing on the scrub-covered hills a few hundred meters west of Bardala, on land behind the new track, Reuters reporters saw. Such temporary shelters have been the first signs of new outposts being built.

Reuters was unable to contact any of the new arrivals in the outposts around the village.

Ibrahim Sawafta, a member of the Bardala village council, said two dozen farmers would be prevented from reaching grazing land if soldiers and settler outposts obstruct their free movement. Unable to keep their large flocks in pens within the village itself, they would be forced to sell.

"Bardala would be a small prison," he said, sitting on a bench outside his house in the village.

He said the overall goal was "to restrict people, to force them to leave the Jordan Valley."

In response to Reuters questions, the army said the area behind the dirt road outside Bardala was designated as a live fire zone but included "a passage" manned by Israeli soldiers, suggesting limitations on free movement in the area.

It said the passage would allow for "the continuation of daily life and the fulfilment of residents' needs," without giving further details.

The office of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as well as the Yesha Council and the Jordan Valley Council, that represent settlers in the West Bank did not reply to requests for comment for this story.

Sawafta said gunmen had been known to come into the area from towns to the west and the barrier appeared intended to make access more difficult and force traffic through main roads with security checkpoints under Israeli control.

But he said the effect of the move would be to obstruct access to the land, which in some cases was owned by villagers. The activity around Bardala is part of a wider Israeli effort to reshape the West Bank. Over the year and a half since war broke out in Gaza, settlement activity has accelerated in areas seen as the core of a future Palestinian state.

Meanwhile, Israel's pro-settler politicians have been emboldened by the return to the White House of Donald Trump who has already proposed that Palestinians leave Gaza, a suggestion widely condemned across the Middle East and beyond as an attempt to ethnically cleanse Palestinian territories.

In recent weeks, army raids in refugee camps near volatile West Bank cities, including Jenin, Tulkarm and Tubas, near Bardala, have sent tens of thousands of people fleeing their homes, fueling fears of permanent displacement. The raids come amid a renewed push to formally absorb the West Bank as part of Israel, a proposal supported by some of US President Donald Trump's aides. Israel's military has occupied the West Bank since the 1967 Middle East war.

CORNFIELDS AND GREENHOUSES

Bardala, with a population of about 3,000, lies a few meters from the pre-1967 line separating the West Bank from Israel. It prospered quietly over the past 30 years as Israel's settlement movement swallowed up thousands of hectares of land in other parts of the West Bank.

The cornfields and clusters of plastic-sheeted greenhouses where its farmers grow aubergines, peppers and zucchini for the markets of the West Bank and Israel underscore how fertile the land is in the narrow strip of valley alongside the Jordan River, running from the Dead Sea north towards the Sea of Galilee.

But the new Israeli-controlled path will squeeze the village against Highway 90, a road that runs north-south along the riverine border with Jordan from the Dead Sea. Highway 90 ends at the separating line between the West Bank and Israel, just outside the village. The separating line is marked by a high fence.

Citing the experience of other villages, Dror Etkes, founder of Israeli rights group Kerem Navot, said the new track and settlement activity would block access for Palestinians to the area north of Bardala, "all the way up to the separation barrier." Kerem Navot tracks Israeli settlement and land management policy in the West Bank.

The authorities "will take a few thousand dunhams, mainly of agricultural land and prevent the Palestinians from cultivating this land," he said. A dunham is a tenth of a hectare.

ANNEXATION FEARS

The West Bank, so named because of its relation to the river that separates it from Jordan, has long been seen by religious nationalist hardliners in Israel as part of a Greater Israel through historical and Biblical connections to the Jewish people. Jewish settlement building has roared ahead under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and allies in government such as hardline Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, himself a settler, who said last year he would push to gain Washington's support for annexation in 2025.

Israel's Foreign Minister Gideon Saar said at the time that the government's position on annexation had not yet been settled. Israel's opposition to ceding control of the West Bank has been deepened by its fears of a repeat of the October 7, 2023 attack near Gaza. Since the start of the war in Gaza, 43 new outposts, the seeds of future settlements, have been built in the West Bank, according to Peace Now, an Israeli organization that tracks settlement building.

Most are farm outposts that exclude Palestinians from agricultural land. At least seven were built in the Jordan Valley, according to Palestinian Authority figures. As in other areas of the West Bank, Palestinians and rights groups say the arrival of outposts coincided with more violence from bands of settlers, now free of the fear of US sanctions since Trump cancelled penalties imposed under former President Joe Biden for previous violence.

For months, Bedouins living in semi-permanent stockades in the hills grazing sheep and goats around the Jordan Valley have been subjected to harassment by violent groups of settlers. In late January, the local school in Bardala itself was attacked, after the settlers said stones had been thrown at them.

"The settlers would attack us every Saturday, not allowing us to leave the house at all," said Mahmoud Kaabneh, who left his home in Um Aljmal, an area in the hills some 20 km south of Bardala for Tubas, along with a dozen other families after repeated incursions by threatening bands of settlers. The creation in 2023 of the Settlements Administration, a civil department for the West Bank answerable to Smotrich, has fueled Palestinian concern that the move from military occupation to annexation is already happening by stealth.

In his first term, Trump overturned decades of US policy by recognizing Jerusalem as Israel's capital. But he has not so far given US approval to the calls for full annexation.

Extending Israeli sovereignty over the West Bank would end already slim hopes of creating an independent Palestine alongside Israel.

But Trump's talk of redeveloping Gaza as a US-controlled waterfront resort, along with his aides' ties to the settler movement, has alarmed Palestinians, still haunted by the "Nakba," or catastrophe, in the 1948 war at the start of the state of Israel, when some 750,000 Palestinians fled or were forced out of their homes and never returned.

For Sawafta, from the Bardala village council, developments like the one in his home village point to an effort to dispossess Palestinians in the way their parents and grandparents were dispossessed before.

"Israel effectively and practically confiscates the land," he said.