Shiite Forces in Iraq Hold Sway over Naming of Next Prime Minister

Sadr delivers a speech from Najaf to declare his return to the elections, on August 27. (AFP)
Sadr delivers a speech from Najaf to declare his return to the elections, on August 27. (AFP)
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Shiite Forces in Iraq Hold Sway over Naming of Next Prime Minister

Sadr delivers a speech from Najaf to declare his return to the elections, on August 27. (AFP)
Sadr delivers a speech from Najaf to declare his return to the elections, on August 27. (AFP)

Influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s announcement that he was reneging on his decision to sit out the October elections has reshuffled the political cards in Iraq.

Some sides have benefited from his return, while other have been harmed by it. Those who had initially rejoiced at Sadr’s absence from the October 10 elections, now find themselves at a loss in how to deal with his return.

Ultimately, the parties that had declared their withdrawal from the race on the heels of Sadr’s withdrawal have emerged as the greatest losers. They are the Iraqi National Accord, of former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi, and the Iraqi Communist Party.

With Sadr’s return, the Iraqi political scene has become embroiled in a cutthroat battle ahead of the polls with all rivals vying for the greatest seats in parliament. Regardless of who emerges on top, all sides will be eying the ultimate prize: naming the prime minister, who is always a Shiite, the parliament speaker, who is always a Sunni, and president, who is always Kurdish.

Sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that behind-the-scenes efforts are focusing on the electoral mechanisms and means to limit electoral fraud. They are also getting ahead of themselves by focusing on the three presidencies.

The Shiite forces, for example, in spite of their deep differences, especially with Sadr’s return to the race, are preoccupied with setting the characteristics of the next premier. A seven-part committee is tasked with the mission.

The Shiites are seeking to agree on the name of the prime minister even before the elections are held.

With Sadr’s return, his supporters will want him to hold sway over naming the PM that will ultimately give the cleric major power over the political scene in the country.

Sadr’s return has taken all discussions on the name of the three presidents, especially the premier, back to square one. The cleric wants the PM to be a loyalist of his Sadrist movement.

Question remarks remain over current Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi, who had previously said that he was not seeking a second term. This may have changed with the return of Sadr, who backs Kadhimi. The premier also enjoys the support of Masoud Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party.

Other potential candidates include national security advisor and former interior minister Qassem Araji and former PM-designates Adnan al-Zurfi and Mohammed Shaya al-Sudani. Members of the State of Law coalition have suggested the nomination of its leader, former PM Nouri al-Maliki.

Heated discussions are also ongoing among Sunni and Kurdish circles over the name of the president and parliament speaker. Their choice will have to pass the approval of the Shiite parties. The president is nominated by the two main Kurdish parties, but he needs to be approved by the main Shiite parties. The same goes to the parliament speaker.

As it stands, deep divisions are plaguing the Kurdish and Sunni parties. If the camps remain divided even after the elections, the Shiites will emerge as the most powerful players on the political scene.



Lebanon Begins Removing Palestinian Arms Outside of Refugee Camps

The army enters a position of a Palestinian group. (Lebanese Army)
The army enters a position of a Palestinian group. (Lebanese Army)
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Lebanon Begins Removing Palestinian Arms Outside of Refugee Camps

The army enters a position of a Palestinian group. (Lebanese Army)
The army enters a position of a Palestinian group. (Lebanese Army)

Lebanon kicked off on Saturday the process of removing weapons in possession of Palestinian factions outside of their refugee camps.

The arms are mainly held by groups allied with the ousted Syrian regime that were based in several areas in the Bekaa, South, Beirut and the border with Syria.

The Lebanese army announced on Saturday that it had taken over three military positions that were affiliated with two Palestinian factions that were close to Bashar al-Assad's former regime.

Two of the positions are in the eastern and western Bekaa and belonged to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command. The third, in Rashaya, belonged to the Fatah al-Intifada group.

A security source told Asharq Al-Awsat that the army intelligence has been working on this issue for some time now and was close to completely resolving it.

The army said it had seized a large number of weapons and ammunition, as well as military gear.

The removal of the weapons outside state control is part of the ceasefire agreement reached between Israel and Hezbollah and which calls for dismantling all non-licensed military facilities that manufacture weapons in Lebanon.

The agreement also calls for removing all unlicensed weapons starting from regions south of the Litani River.

A similar agreement for the removal of Palestinian weapons was reached in March 2006, but it was never implemented.

A Lebanese security source, however, said that the latest progress in removing the Palestinian weapons has nothing to do with the ceasefire. Rather, it is related to the collapse of Assad's regime.

These factions were loyal to the regime, and they received funding and equipment from it, the source told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Hisham Debsi, the Director of the Tatweer Center for Studies, said the positions the army has taken over are tied to factions that are affiliated with Syrian security agencies.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that the army should have been able to take over these locations as soon as United Nations Security Council resolution 1559 was issued in 2004.

The Palestinian Authority at the time agreed to the handover of weapons outside and inside refugee camps, but Hezbollah objected to the move and said it needed to be discussed at a dialogue among Lebanese political powers, Debsi went on to say.

At the dialogue, Hezbollah agreed to the removal of weapons inside and outside the camps, but it later thwarted the plan, he added.

The current removal of arms is tied to the implementation of resolution 1701 and others, notably 1559. It is also directly connected to the sudden and dramatic toppling of the Assad regime, he explained.

The Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, Syria’s interim rulers, had issued orders for Palestinian groups affiliated with the regime to lay down their arms. “These factions, which had raised the Palestinian flag and done nothing but harm the Palestinian and Lebanese people, no longer have their regional and Lebanese backers,” so they had no choice but to yield to the orders, Debsi said.

The conditions are ripe for the Lebanese state to impose its sovereignty, through the army, across all its territories and end the presence of any Palestinian armed groups outside the refugee camps, he stressed.

Moreover, the state has the right to impose its authority over the camps and remove the weapons there, he remarked.

At the moment, the removal of Palestinian weapons does not appear to be a precursor to Hezbollah laying down its weapons in areas north of the Litani.

Such a move demands a “major political decision that is off the table at the moment,” said the sources.