Portrait of Poverty as UN Visits Lebanon's Tripoli, Mediterranean's Poorest City

A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
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Portrait of Poverty as UN Visits Lebanon's Tripoli, Mediterranean's Poorest City

A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)

After patiently waiting in line, Umm Mustafa extended two grubby plastic containers to a soup kitchen volunteer, who ladled in rice and stewed greens. It would be the only meal the unemployed single mother and her three sons would eat that day.

"I'm already broke and in debt. So for the last year, I've come here every day just to get enough to eat," said the 40-year-old, gesturing to the outdoor soup kitchen in Mina, a coastal strip along the northwestern edges of Lebanon's poorest city, Tripoli.

Wearing a second-hand medical mask secured with one handle - torn - she asked that her nickname, "Mustafa's mother", be used instead of her full name.

"Mina used to be so beautiful. Now this poverty and unemployment has ripped it apart," she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Last week, the United Nations' special rapporteur on poverty Olivier de Schutter visited Tripoli as part of a fact-finding mission to Lebanon, whose economic meltdown was ranked by the World Bank has one of the worst since the industrial revolution.

De Schutter had previously served as special rapporteur on the right to food, and the Lebanon trip was only his second on the job after he investigated poverty in Europe.

Once hailed as the country's industrial powerhouse, Tripoli has been reduced to the most impoverished city along the entire Mediterranean coast - even before the current crisis set in, according to UN Habitat.

De Schutter told the Thomson Reuters Foundation he heard "moving" testimony during his day-trip - and feared the city's decline could be the canary in Lebanon's coalmine.

"This city is a concise statement of Lebanon as a whole - an attempt to stitch the scars of the civil war and to live in harmonious relationships across communities despite the economic crisis," de Schutter said.

"I'm watching the impacts the crisis is having on these inter-communal relationships - and Tripoli is a place that should be watched very carefully."

'How many more?'

Few can trace Tripoli's decline as closely as Robert Ayoub, who founded the Maeddat al-Mahhabe soup kitchen that served as de Schutter's first stop in the northern city.

In 2018, Ayoub ran into a former work mate from Tripoli's Port Authority, overshadowed by a fast-expanding port in Beirut.

The city's oil refinery had also stopped functioning, as had the rail line linking it north to Syria and south to the rest of Lebanon. An influx of Syrian refugees fleeing conflict next door meant competition for low-skilled jobs.

By the time Ayoub ran into his old colleague, Tripoli's urban poverty rate sat at 58%, according to UN Habitat, meaning every other resident lived below the poverty line.

"His life had been turned upside down, and he was picking through trash to find recyclable scraps to sell," said Ayoub, who immediately opened Maedat al-Mahhabe to serve about 45 free meals a day, mostly to ex-colleagues turned scrap collectors.

Even before the crisis, less than three-quarters of Tripoli households ate three meals a day, according to the Food & Agricultural Organization - the lowest rate across Lebanon.

Food insecurity has only been aggravated by Lebanon's economic crisis, which has seen the lira lose more than 90% of its value and food prices skyrocket by more than 600%, according to the World Food Program.

Maedat al-Mahhabe now distributes 700 meals, a service the UN called "the ultimate safety net against food poverty."

Yet Ayoub isn't sure how much longer he can hold out and fears the queue for free food will only lengthen.

The kitchen relies on donations, and Ayoub says his diners are selling off their last goods - from empty gas cylinders to washing machines to carpets - to afford electricity or water.

"What do these people do four or five months down the line? Their wedding rings and two pieces of gold jewelry were already sold a long time ago. How many more numbers will we be able to host in these coming months?" he said.

Scraps

Just a few hundred meters away lies Hay al-Tanak, a shanty town where many residents compete for scraps to earn a living.

The state grid provides just two hours power a day, so "privileged" residents paid for a private generator to get enough power to also fire up a television or a few lamps.

"I can't afford a generator to make up the difference," said Ahmed Ayyash, a 30-year-old resident who lives in a one-room shack with his wife and toddler.

Ayyash searches for scraps along the coast from 4am until 1pm, then again from 9pm until 2am, earning about 50,000 Lebanese pounds a day - the equivalent of $2.40. The tide brings in anything from plastic bottles to sheets of wood.

Slums are scattered across Tripoli, offering sub-par housing to the most vulnerable in Hay al-Tanak, Mankoubin and Wadi al-Nahle - all visited by de Schutter.

He passed residents sitting in the dark in one-room shacks.

Stained mattresses were propped upright to dry after a rainy weekend - and this was before Lebanon's wet winter descends.

In its 2017 report, UN Habitat said the need for social housing was "nowhere greater nationally than in Tripoli's urban area" - but the neighborhoods have seen little to no investment.

Magnified Misery

Yet some of Lebanon's ultra-rich also come from Tripoli.

Forbes' 2021 rich list includes six billionaires from Lebanon. The top two - Prime Minister Najib Mikati and his brother, Taha Mikati - hail from Tripoli and own properties in Mina, near the soup kitchen and Hay al-Tanak.

After Lebanon's civil war, investments poured into Beirut and its suburbs - but the "peripheral" northern regions were left out, explained Adib Nehme, a local expert on poverty and development who spent more than a decade at the UN.

"This is not a city with poor pockets like Beirut - this is a poor city with wealth pockets," said Nehme.

Tripoli was particularly vulnerable to the devastation wrought by Lebanon's financial crisis, said Khalid Abu Ismail, who heads the economic development and poverty department at the UN's Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia.

"The story that you see across the rest of the country has been magnified in Tripoli," he said.

Few Tripolitans have faith in the future.

When de Schutter told a group of men and women he would carry their concerns to the government, many visibly scoffed.

"How about you just take us with you when you leave?" one called out.



Iran Holds Military Drills as it Faces Rising Economic Pressures and Trump's Return

A handout picture provided by the Iranian Army media office on October 4, 2023 shows locally-made drones during a military drill at an undisclosed location in Iran. (Photo by Iranian Army office / AFP)
A handout picture provided by the Iranian Army media office on October 4, 2023 shows locally-made drones during a military drill at an undisclosed location in Iran. (Photo by Iranian Army office / AFP)
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Iran Holds Military Drills as it Faces Rising Economic Pressures and Trump's Return

A handout picture provided by the Iranian Army media office on October 4, 2023 shows locally-made drones during a military drill at an undisclosed location in Iran. (Photo by Iranian Army office / AFP)
A handout picture provided by the Iranian Army media office on October 4, 2023 shows locally-made drones during a military drill at an undisclosed location in Iran. (Photo by Iranian Army office / AFP)

Iran is reeling from a cratering economy and stinging military setbacks across its sphere of influence in the Middle East. Its bad times are likely to get worse once President-elect Donald Trump returns to the White House with his policy of “maximum pressure” on Iran.

Facing difficulties at home and abroad, Iran last week began an unusual two-month-long military drill. It includes testing air defenses near a key nuclear facility and preparing for exercises in waterways vital to the global oil trade.

The military flexing seems aimed at projecting strength, but doubts about its power are high after the past year's setbacks.

The December overthrow of Syrian President Bashar Assad, who Iran supported for years with money and troops, was a major blow to its self-described “Axis of Resistance” across the region. The “axis” had already been hollowed out by Israel’s punishing offensives last year against two militant groups backed by Iran – Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon. Israel also attacked Iran directly on two occasions.

According to The AP, an Iranian Revolutionary Guard general based in Syria offered a blunt assessment this week. “I do not see it as a matter of pride that we lost Syria,” Gen. Behrouz Esbati said, according to an audio recording of a speech he gave that was leaked to the media. “We lost. We badly lost. We blew it.”

At home, Iran’s economy is in tatters.

The US and its allies have maintained stiff sanctions to deter it from developing nuclear weapons — and Iran's recent efforts to get them lifted through diplomacy have fallen flat. Pollution chokes the skies in the capital, Tehran, as power plants burn dirty fuel in their struggle to avoid outages during winter. And families are struggling to make ends meet as the Iranian currency, the rial, falls to record lows against the US dollar.

As these burdens rise, so does the likelihood of political protests, which have ignited nationwide in recent years over women's rights and the weak economy.

How Trump chooses to engage with Iran remains to be seen. But on Tuesday he left open the possibility of the US conducting preemptive airstrikes on nuclear sites where Iran is closer than ever to enriching uranium to weapons-grade levels.

“It’s a military strategy,” Trump told journalists at his Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida during a wide-ranging news conference. “I’m not answering questions on military strategy.”

Iran insists its nuclear program is peaceful, yet officials there increasingly suggest Tehran could pursue an atomic bomb.

Europe's view of Iran hardens. It's not just Trump or Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a longtime foe of Tehran, that paint Iran's nuclear program as a major threat. French President Emmanuel Macron, speaking Monday to French ambassadors in Paris, described Iran as “the main strategic and security challenge for France, the Europeans, the entire region and well beyond.”

“The acceleration of its nuclear program is bringing us very close to the breaking point,” Macron said. “Its ballistic program threatens European soil and our interests."

While Europe had previously been seen as more conciliatory toward Iran, its attitude has hardened. That's likely because of what Macron described as Tehran's “assertive and fully identified military support” of Russia since it's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

France, as well as Germany and the United Kingdom, had been part of Iran's 2015 nuclear deal with world powers. Under that deal, Iran limited its enrichment of uranium and drastically reduced its stockpile in exchange for the lifting of crushing, United Nations-backed economic sanctions. Trump unilaterally withdrew America from the accord in 2018, and with those UN sanctions lifted, it provided cover for China's to purchase oil from Iran.

But now France, Germany and the United Kingdom call Tehran's advances in its atomic program a ”nuclear escalation" that needs to be addressed. That raises the possibility of Western nations pushing for what's called a “snapback” of those UN sanctions on Iran, which could be catastrophic for the Iranian economy. That “snapback” power expires in October.

On Wednesday, Iran released a visiting Italian journalist, Cecilia Sala, after detaining her for three weeks — even though she had received the government's approval to report from there.

Sala's arrest came days after Italian authorities arrested an Iranian engineer accused by the US of supplying drone technology used in a January 2024 attack on a US outpost in Jordan that killed three American troops. The engineer remains in Italian custody.

- Iran holds military drills as worries grow

The length of the military drills started by Iran's armed forces and its paramilitary Revolutionary Guard may be unusual, but their intended message to the US and Israel — and to its domestic audience — is not. Iran is trying to show itself as capable of defending against any possible attack.

On Tuesday, Iran held air-defense drills around its underground nuclear enrichment facility in the city of Natanz. It claimed it could intercept a so-called “bunker buster” bomb designed to destroy such sites.

However, the drill did not involve any of its four advanced S-300 Russian air defense systems, which Israel targeted in its strikes on Iran. At least two are believed to have been damaged, and Israeli officials claim all have been taken out.

“Some of the US and Israeli reservations about using force to address Iran’s nuclear program have dissipated,” wrote Kenneth Katzman, a longtime Iran analyst for the US government who is now at the New York-based Soufan Center. “It appears likely that, at the very least, the Trump administration would not assertively dissuade Israel from striking Iranian facilities, even if the United States might decline to join the assault.”

There are other ways Iran could respond. This weekend, naval forces plan exercises in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz. Iran for years has threatened to close the strait — a narrow lane through which a fifth of global oil supplies are transported — and it has targeted oil tankers and other ships in those waters since 2019.

“Harassment and seizures are likely to remain the main tools of Iranian counteraction,” the private maritime security firm Ambrey warned Thursday.

Its allies may not be much help, though. The tempo of attacks on shipping lanes by Yemen's Houthis, long armed by Iran, have slowed. And Iran has growing reservations about the reliability of Russia.

In the recording of the speech by the Iranian general, Esbati, he alleges that Russia “turned off all radars” in Syria to allow an Israeli airstrike that hit a Guard intelligence center.

Esbati also said Iranian missiles “don't have so much of an impact” and that the US would retaliate against any attack targeting its bases in the region.

“For the time being and in this situation, dragging the region into a military operation does not agree (with the) interest of the resistance,” he says.