Portrait of Poverty as UN Visits Lebanon's Tripoli, Mediterranean's Poorest City

A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
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Portrait of Poverty as UN Visits Lebanon's Tripoli, Mediterranean's Poorest City

A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
A home in the Hay al-Tanak shanty town on the outskirts of Lebanon’s Tripoli, where families can barely get enough electricity to keep their refrigerator and one lightbulb on. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)

After patiently waiting in line, Umm Mustafa extended two grubby plastic containers to a soup kitchen volunteer, who ladled in rice and stewed greens. It would be the only meal the unemployed single mother and her three sons would eat that day.

"I'm already broke and in debt. So for the last year, I've come here every day just to get enough to eat," said the 40-year-old, gesturing to the outdoor soup kitchen in Mina, a coastal strip along the northwestern edges of Lebanon's poorest city, Tripoli.

Wearing a second-hand medical mask secured with one handle - torn - she asked that her nickname, "Mustafa's mother", be used instead of her full name.

"Mina used to be so beautiful. Now this poverty and unemployment has ripped it apart," she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Last week, the United Nations' special rapporteur on poverty Olivier de Schutter visited Tripoli as part of a fact-finding mission to Lebanon, whose economic meltdown was ranked by the World Bank has one of the worst since the industrial revolution.

De Schutter had previously served as special rapporteur on the right to food, and the Lebanon trip was only his second on the job after he investigated poverty in Europe.

Once hailed as the country's industrial powerhouse, Tripoli has been reduced to the most impoverished city along the entire Mediterranean coast - even before the current crisis set in, according to UN Habitat.

De Schutter told the Thomson Reuters Foundation he heard "moving" testimony during his day-trip - and feared the city's decline could be the canary in Lebanon's coalmine.

"This city is a concise statement of Lebanon as a whole - an attempt to stitch the scars of the civil war and to live in harmonious relationships across communities despite the economic crisis," de Schutter said.

"I'm watching the impacts the crisis is having on these inter-communal relationships - and Tripoli is a place that should be watched very carefully."

'How many more?'

Few can trace Tripoli's decline as closely as Robert Ayoub, who founded the Maeddat al-Mahhabe soup kitchen that served as de Schutter's first stop in the northern city.

In 2018, Ayoub ran into a former work mate from Tripoli's Port Authority, overshadowed by a fast-expanding port in Beirut.

The city's oil refinery had also stopped functioning, as had the rail line linking it north to Syria and south to the rest of Lebanon. An influx of Syrian refugees fleeing conflict next door meant competition for low-skilled jobs.

By the time Ayoub ran into his old colleague, Tripoli's urban poverty rate sat at 58%, according to UN Habitat, meaning every other resident lived below the poverty line.

"His life had been turned upside down, and he was picking through trash to find recyclable scraps to sell," said Ayoub, who immediately opened Maedat al-Mahhabe to serve about 45 free meals a day, mostly to ex-colleagues turned scrap collectors.

Even before the crisis, less than three-quarters of Tripoli households ate three meals a day, according to the Food & Agricultural Organization - the lowest rate across Lebanon.

Food insecurity has only been aggravated by Lebanon's economic crisis, which has seen the lira lose more than 90% of its value and food prices skyrocket by more than 600%, according to the World Food Program.

Maedat al-Mahhabe now distributes 700 meals, a service the UN called "the ultimate safety net against food poverty."

Yet Ayoub isn't sure how much longer he can hold out and fears the queue for free food will only lengthen.

The kitchen relies on donations, and Ayoub says his diners are selling off their last goods - from empty gas cylinders to washing machines to carpets - to afford electricity or water.

"What do these people do four or five months down the line? Their wedding rings and two pieces of gold jewelry were already sold a long time ago. How many more numbers will we be able to host in these coming months?" he said.

Scraps

Just a few hundred meters away lies Hay al-Tanak, a shanty town where many residents compete for scraps to earn a living.

The state grid provides just two hours power a day, so "privileged" residents paid for a private generator to get enough power to also fire up a television or a few lamps.

"I can't afford a generator to make up the difference," said Ahmed Ayyash, a 30-year-old resident who lives in a one-room shack with his wife and toddler.

Ayyash searches for scraps along the coast from 4am until 1pm, then again from 9pm until 2am, earning about 50,000 Lebanese pounds a day - the equivalent of $2.40. The tide brings in anything from plastic bottles to sheets of wood.

Slums are scattered across Tripoli, offering sub-par housing to the most vulnerable in Hay al-Tanak, Mankoubin and Wadi al-Nahle - all visited by de Schutter.

He passed residents sitting in the dark in one-room shacks.

Stained mattresses were propped upright to dry after a rainy weekend - and this was before Lebanon's wet winter descends.

In its 2017 report, UN Habitat said the need for social housing was "nowhere greater nationally than in Tripoli's urban area" - but the neighborhoods have seen little to no investment.

Magnified Misery

Yet some of Lebanon's ultra-rich also come from Tripoli.

Forbes' 2021 rich list includes six billionaires from Lebanon. The top two - Prime Minister Najib Mikati and his brother, Taha Mikati - hail from Tripoli and own properties in Mina, near the soup kitchen and Hay al-Tanak.

After Lebanon's civil war, investments poured into Beirut and its suburbs - but the "peripheral" northern regions were left out, explained Adib Nehme, a local expert on poverty and development who spent more than a decade at the UN.

"This is not a city with poor pockets like Beirut - this is a poor city with wealth pockets," said Nehme.

Tripoli was particularly vulnerable to the devastation wrought by Lebanon's financial crisis, said Khalid Abu Ismail, who heads the economic development and poverty department at the UN's Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia.

"The story that you see across the rest of the country has been magnified in Tripoli," he said.

Few Tripolitans have faith in the future.

When de Schutter told a group of men and women he would carry their concerns to the government, many visibly scoffed.

"How about you just take us with you when you leave?" one called out.



Syria and Lebanon's Moves to Centralize Power Leads to Crackdowns on Palestinian Factions

FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
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Syria and Lebanon's Moves to Centralize Power Leads to Crackdowns on Palestinian Factions

FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)
FILE - Hamas fighters attend the funeral procession of a Hamas official Samer al-Haj who was killed on Friday by an Israeli drone strike, at Ein el-Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp, in the southern port city of Sidon, Saturday, Aug. 10, 2024. (AP Photo/Mohammed Zaatari, File) (Mohammad Zaatari/AP)

Lebanon and Syria are cracking down on Palestinian factions that for decades have had an armed presence in both countries and which on some occasions were used to plan and launch attacks against Israel.
The crackdown comes as Syria's new rulers under the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham group are pursuing officials of the former government under Bashar Assad, including those in the ousted president's web of security agencies. Syria's most prominent Palestinian factions were key allies of the Assad dynasty in both war and peace time and closely cooperated on security matters, The Associated Press said.
It also comes after Iran’s main regional ally, the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, was weakened after over a year of war with Israel and as Lebanon’s new government vows to monopolize all arms under the government, including Hezbollah and Palestinian factions in Lebanon.
On Wednesday, Syria's President Ahmad al-Sharaa said his government is holding indirect talks with Israel through mediators, who he did not name. He said the aim of the indirect negotiations is to ease tensions after intense Israeli airstrikes on Syria.
A crackdown on hardline Palestinian factions, including the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which took part with Hamas in the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks in Gaza, is likely to be welcomed by Israel.
A Syrian government official declined to comment on the matter.
A Palestinian official who had been in Damascus for more than 40 years, and who recently left the country, said Palestinian factions in Syria were forced to hand over their weapons and the Palestinian embassy will be the only side that Syria's new authorities will deal with. The Palestinian groups would only be limited to social and charitable activities, the official added, who spoke on condition of anonymity fearing for their safety.
‘We are simply guests here’
Palestinian factions for decades have lived in refugee camps in Lebanon and Syria and have been involved militarily both locally and regionally. They closely aligned themselves with the Assads and later with Hezbollah in Lebanon, whose powerful military arsenal grew over the past few decades. Over time, many of the leaders of groups like Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad were based in those countries.
However, the regional developments of late 2024 that went against Iran’s favor in the Levant began to take shape in recent weeks among the Palestinian factions in Lebanon and Syria.
“No weapons will be allowed in the (Palestinian refugee) camps. The Syrian state will protect citizens whether they are Palestinians or Syrians,” said Syrian political analyst Ahmad al-Hamada, whose view points reflect those of the government. “It is not allowed for Palestinian factions that were arms for Iran and the Assad regime to keep their weapons.”
When asked whether the state will prevent any attacks against Israel, al-Hamada said Syria will not allow its territories to be used as a launch pad against any neighbor.
Syrian authorities in Damascus this week detained two senior officials of the Iran-backed Palestinian Islamic Jihad group and briefly detained and questioned the leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, FLP-GC, that since its founding had been a key ally of Assad.
Another Palestinian official with one of the factions that had been based in Syria said the developments caught them by surprise, and that regardless of who runs the country they are keen to have good relations with Syria’s new rulers and maintain the country’s stability.
“We hope that this wouldn’t have happened. But we don’t have a say in this,” the official said, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they are still based in the country. “We are simply guests here.”
The government in Lebanon, which is trying to expand its army’s influence in the south near Israel, has also been reclaiming dozens of informal border crossings with Syria, which were key arteries for Iran and its allies to transport weapons and fighters over the years. Many of those crossings were held by PFLP-GC militants who have given some of those positions up to the Lebanese army after Assad’s downfall.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who Palestinian factions in Syria oppose, visited Damascus last month for the first time in more than a decade and he is scheduled to visit Lebanon on May 21.
‘Unprecedented times’
After Israel intensified its airstrikes on Lebanon in response to Hamas allegedly firing rockets from southern Lebanon in late March, the Lebanese government for the first time called out the Palestinian group and arrested nearly 10 suspects involved in the operation. Hamas was pressured by the military to turn in three of their militants from different refugee camps.
Ahmad Abdul-Hadi, a Hamas representative in Lebanon, was also summoned by the head of one of the country’s top security agencies over the incident and was formally told that Hamas should stop its military activities.
Lebanon's President Joseph Aoun, who is backed by the United States and Arab countries rather than Hezbollah and Iran, has said armed factions should not be allowed to “shake up national security and stability.” His statement has set a new tone after decades of tolerating the presence of armed Palestinian groups in refugee camps which have led to armed conflict in the crowded ghettos.
“I think we’re in unprecedented times, politically speaking,” said Mohanad Hage Ali, a senior fellow at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. “The (Lebanese) army is acting out of a political will, with its former chief now the president. There is a strong political thrust behind the army.”
A Lebanese government official familiar with the initiative said that Hamas was told to hand over wanted militants and end all its military activity in the country. He added that there is also a plan to gradually give up Hamas' weapons, which coincides with the visit to Lebanon of Abbas, leader of the rival Fatah group.