Secret Document for Normalization of Ties with Damascus Includes Exit of Foreign Forces

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad receives UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed in Damascus (EPA)
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad receives UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed in Damascus (EPA)
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Secret Document for Normalization of Ties with Damascus Includes Exit of Foreign Forces

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad receives UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed in Damascus (EPA)
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad receives UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed in Damascus (EPA)

Jordan’s document and its confidential addendum for normalizing ties with Damascus display that the final goal for Arab countries restoring their relationship with the Syrian capital is that foreign forces and fighters exit Syria.

According to the document, which Asharq Al-Awsat reviewed, US and International Coalition forces in northeastern Syria and Al-Tanf military base near borders with Jordan and Iraq would also need to withdraw from the war-torn country.

However, the rolling back of forces will take place according to a “step-by-step” approach that works to “curb Iranian influence in certain parts of Syria and recognizes the legitimate interests of Russia.”

The Jordan-sponsored document, which does not include a timetable, underpins the steps taken by Arab countries towards Damascus.

It covers Syrian Foreign Minister Faisal Miqdad’s meetings with nine Arab ministers in New York, official Jordanian-Syrian visits, contacts between Arab leaders and President Bashar al-Assad, and Assad’s meeting with UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed in Damascus on Tuesday.

Jordan had prepared this plan months ago, and Jordan’s King Abdullah II discussed it with US President Joe Biden, Russian Vladimir Putin, and with Arab and foreign leaders.

The six-page document included a revision of the last decade and the policy of “regime change” in Syria.

It later proposes “a gradual change in the behavior of the Syrian regime” after noting that “regime change” policies had failed in Syria.

In an interview with CNN, Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman al-Safadi stated that coexistence with the current situation in Syria is not a good option.

A political solution in accordance with international law is still needed in Syria, and Jordan is in talks with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for “failing to see an effective strategy for resolving the Syrian conflict,” al-Safadi told CNN.

“11 years have passed since the crisis and no results have been achieved,” added the minister, highlighting that Jordan had suffered gravely because of the Syrian civil war.

Besides drugs and terrorism crossing borders, al-Safadi noted that Jordan is hosting 1.3 million Syrian refugees without global support.

“We have talked with the US about the efforts made to get closer to Syria,” affirmed al-Safadi.

Matching al-Safadi’s statements, the Director of Jordanian General Intelligence, Major General Ahmed Hosni Hatouqi, announced that Jordan was dealing with the Syrian file as a “fait accompli.”

Above all, the document comes to reflect al-Safadi’s statements.

“After 10 years passing since the outbreak of the Syrian crisis, there are no real prospects for its resolution,” reads the document.

While it adds that there is “no comprehensive strategy for a clear political solution in Syria,” the document points out that “narrow approaches” cannot resolve different aspects of the crisis.

“Everyone agrees that there is no military end to the current crisis. Changing the ruling Syrian regime is not an effective goal in and of itself. The stated goal is to find a political solution based on UN Security Council Resolution 2254.”

“However, there is no significant progress on this path. The current situation results in more suffering for the Syrian people and strengthens the positions of the opponents. The current approach to dealing with the crisis has proven a costly failure.”

Syrians
According to the latest UN data, some 6.7 million Syrians have fled their homes with 6.6 million internally being displaced. At least 13 million Syrians need humanitarian assistance.
While six million Syrian citizens are in extreme need, 12.4 million are suffering from food insecurity, and more than 80% of Syrians are living below the poverty line.
As it stands, 2.5 million children have been cast outside the education system in Syria, in addition to 1.6 million children that are at risk of dropping out of school.

Terrorism
The terrorist organization ISIS has been defeated but not completely eradicated. Its members are trying to rearrange their ranks and are re-emerging in parts of the country from which ISIS has been expelled, such as southwest Syria.
ISIS elements are also working to consolidate their presence in other regions such as southeast Syria. Other terrorist organizations continue to operate in different parts of Syria, taking advantage of safe havens in the country’s northeast.

Iran
Iran continues to impose its economic and military influence on the Syrian regime, and on several vital parts of Syria.
Besides exploiting the suffering of the people to recruit militias, Iranian proxies are growing in strength in key areas, especially south of the country. Moreover, smuggling drugs is generating significant income for these groups and poses a growing threat to the region and beyond.

Refugees
None of the refugees – except a select few - are returning to Syria due to the lack of improvement in the security, economic and political conditions in the country. International funding for refugees, as well as host communities, is diminishing, threatening the infrastructure supporting refugees.

What Should be Done?
The document proposes a new approach that could refocus attention on the political solution in Syria and address the humanitarian crisis and its security impact on the country and the region.

The approach would adopt a series of accumulative steps that would focus on “combating terrorism and containing Iran’s growing influence,” and halt further deterioration that is detrimentalto to our collective interests.

In return, Damascus would be offered incentives that would reflect positively on the Syrian people and allow the return of refugees and the displaced.
According to the document, five steps are required to move forward:
Developing a phased approach to a political solution based on UNSC Resolution 2254
Gathering needed support from like-minded regional and international partners
Seeking to agree on this approach with Russia
Deciding on a mechanism to engage the Syrian regime

Implementation

Ultimately, the document tables a “step-by-step approach for all partners and allies to encourage positive behavior and leverage collective influence.”

This approach provides incentives to the Syrian regime in exchange for it taking desired measures and implementing required political changes that will directly impact the Syrian people.

The initial focus will be on humanitarian issues with gradual progress towards political matters.

The culmination of the process will lead to the full implementation of Security Council Resolution 2254.



Yarmouk Camp: Gaza-like Destruction, Uncertainty Amid Temporary Decisions

The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yarmouk Camp: Gaza-like Destruction, Uncertainty Amid Temporary Decisions

The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)

This is not Gaza. It is the Yarmouk camp in Syria.
Simply reading the sign repeatedly at the entrance of the Palestinian camp near Damascus is not enough to cement this truth in the visitor’s mind.
One must constantly remind themselves, with every step and glance, that this is not Gaza, but the Yarmouk camp, just 18 kilometers from Umayyad Square. The camp faced systematic destruction and a long siege, leading to the deaths of over 150 residents, mostly children, from hunger and thirst.
The few families who returned after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime or in recent years are barely visible among the vast destruction, which stretches beyond what the eye or camera can capture.
A passerby emerging from the rubble or children returning from their makeshift classes at the nearby UNRWA school might seem like a scene from a film.
But this is the daily reality for the survivors.
“There are no services in the camp,” locals told Asharq Al-Awsat.
“No electricity, running water, internet, or basic healthcare—just ruined buildings, endless destruction, and dust.”
The memory of the starvation siege still lingers in Yarmouk.
A young man who survived the 2018 siege spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat on the condition of anonymity.
“I remember the first piece of bread I ate after days of hunger. The taste never leaves me. After nearly a week without food or water, I remembered seeing a bag of bread in our neighbors' fridge,” he recalled.
“I mustered the strength to go and found the fridge, burned by airstrikes, still attached to the bread. Only the ends of the loaves had survived, though they were moldy... I ate it like a feast.”
The young man then showed old photos of himself, looking pale and thin, almost like a different person. Like him, many men, including heads of households, feared death or arrest if they went to food distribution points. These supplies, trickling in from local factions and the UN, came with great risk. Many "humanitarian corridors" became traps for men and young people.
Since 2011, the camp has endured military targeting, airstrikes, and intense battles. But in 2018, Yarmouk faced one of its darkest moments. After the 2011 uprising, many Palestinians supported it, including activists and Hamas members.
In response, Ahmed Jibril’s Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine–General Command, along with other pro-Assad factions, launched a violent attack on the camp and Free Syrian Army groups.
Barrel bombs fell on Yarmouk and nearby areas like Al-Hajar Al-Aswad, Al-Tadamon, and Yalda. The situation worsened with the presence of a ISIS stronghold in the southern part of the camp, connecting to those areas.
Founded in 1957, Yarmouk camp, covering around 2.5 kilometers, was once a bustling commercial center, home to nearly 1.5 million people, including Syrians, Palestinians, and some Iraqis. Today, fewer than 8,000 people remain, according to UNRWA estimates.
While many compare Yarmouk’s current situation to Gaza, the issue extends beyond the camp. It is one of 15 Palestinian camps in Syria, with over eight suffering severe destruction, all needing rebuilding and support like Yarmouk, as well as other damaged Syrian neighborhoods and areas around Damascus.
Residents face total neglect, uncertain about their future, the fate of missing family members, and the condition of their homes. Their biggest complaint is a sense of being abandoned, with no social, service, or political support.
They feel like orphans of the former regime, armed groups, and the revolution all at once.
Even the Palestinian factions that once controlled the camp now live in Damascus's middle-class and upscale neighborhoods, with some having moved to Beirut.
For years, civilians were trapped between ISIS, other factions, and the regime. Sources confirm that ISIS in Damascus was founded by a former prisoner from Yalda, released by the regime after the 2011 protests.
He was joined by an Iraqi officer living in Yarmouk, both of whom defected from Al-Nusra Front.
For nearly two years, ISIS expanded into nearby areas like Al-Hajar Al-Aswad, Al-Tadamon, and the southern part of Yarmouk, forming a large network of smaller extremist groups that fought and defeated the Free Syrian Army at the time.
During this period, ISIS militants were treated at the government-run Al-Mahini Hospital, later becoming the first armed group to negotiate with the former regime in southern Damascus. They left in organized convoys of buses to the desert of Sweida after surrendering military checkpoints, while Yarmouk residents remained fully besieged.
Asharq Al-Awsat passed the site of the “Ali Al-Wahsh” checkpoint, where a massacre killed 1,200 Yarmouk civilians (according to documented figures).
The worst part of this massacre was not just the number of victims, but the deception used to lure residents with promises of a safe passage for aid after the siege. Once there, men were executed, and women and children were forcibly displaced. Many residents, fearing for their lives, chose to stay hungry rather than risk going for help.
Diaa Suleiman, who lived through that time as a teenager and is now a father of three, said: “After all we went through, we’ve been betrayed. We are completely abandoned. No one looks at us, not even those who caused this. We need protection. We need answers... We need to know where we stand.”
An unofficial meeting, details of which were leaked, took place between Yarmouk faction leaders and representatives of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. The agreement was that Palestinian fighters would hand over their weapons to the new regime in Syria, following a broader call for all factions to do the same.
While Palestinian weapons in Yarmouk were never used against Israel but instead in internal conflicts to support Assad’s regime, their removal now seems like the least difficult demand.
The value of these weapons has completely disappeared, especially since Yarmouk is now empty and destroyed. Restoring any authority there will require rebuilding both the infrastructure and the people.
“The major challenge ahead is how to define the legal and civil status of Palestinians and protect them through the law,” Ayman Abu Hashem, general coordinator of the Palestinian-Syrian Assembly (Maseer), told Asharq Al-Awsat.
Unlike most Palestinian refugee communities, Syrian law grants Palestinians the right to work, own property, and enjoy all civil rights, except voting. However, it excludes those who arrived after the 1967 war or from Jordan after 1970, and those constitute a significant number.
While most Palestinians in Syria see themselves as also Syrian, Hashem said their main demand is to gain Syrian citizenship while keeping their Palestinian identity.
“We don’t want to be seen as giving up the right of return or our connection to Palestine. But we and our children deserve Syrian citizenship, like anyone born and raised in a country, becoming a dual citizen,” explained Hashem.