Iraqi Wars' Deadly Legacy: Unexploded Ordnance

This picture taken on November 29, 2021 shows sweepers using metal-detectors to search for landmines and unexploded ordnances near the village of Hassan-Jalad, north of Iraq's northern city of Mosul. (Photo by Zaid AL-OBEIDI / AFP)
This picture taken on November 29, 2021 shows sweepers using metal-detectors to search for landmines and unexploded ordnances near the village of Hassan-Jalad, north of Iraq's northern city of Mosul. (Photo by Zaid AL-OBEIDI / AFP)
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Iraqi Wars' Deadly Legacy: Unexploded Ordnance

This picture taken on November 29, 2021 shows sweepers using metal-detectors to search for landmines and unexploded ordnances near the village of Hassan-Jalad, north of Iraq's northern city of Mosul. (Photo by Zaid AL-OBEIDI / AFP)
This picture taken on November 29, 2021 shows sweepers using metal-detectors to search for landmines and unexploded ordnances near the village of Hassan-Jalad, north of Iraq's northern city of Mosul. (Photo by Zaid AL-OBEIDI / AFP)

In the northern Iraqi hamlet of Hassan-Jalad, almost every family has a story to tell about a time when a child, nephew or brother was lost to wartime munitions.

Located near Mosul, a former stronghold of ISIS, the area is littered with unexploded ordnance, sometimes dubbed UXO.

"We are afraid for the children," said one local man, Awad Qado. "We show them the routes to take, the places to avoid. We tell them not to pick up things they find on the ground."

It was in 2017 that Qado's family was struck by a landmine explosion in the hamlet of about 50 homes.

Two of Qado's nephews were killed while tending to their herd. His son was injured and a fourth man's legs were severed in the blast that also killed some livestock.

Across Iraq, about 100 children were killed or injured between January and September as a result of remnants of conflict, according to the UN.

In a country that has one of the world's highest UXO "contamination rates", almost one in four people is exposed to risk from unexploded ordnance, say non-governmental groups.

Iraq's successive conflicts have left a deadly legacy, from the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, to the US-led invasion of 2003 and the defeat of ISIS in late 2017.

In the area around Hassan-Jalad, more than 1,500 explosives were found within one year, said Alaa al-Din Moussa, head of operations for the private demining company GCS.

"In this region, every house has a story," he added. "Many children are dead. Hundreds of animals have entered fields and triggered explosives."

Clearing the UXO is painstaking and dangerous work.

Ordnance awaiting disposal is left in a desert area behind a banner that reads "STOP,” AFP reported.

The explosives are classed in several categories including: 107-millimeter rockets, 23-millimeter projectiles and VS500 mines, it said.

Both Mosul and the western province of Anbar are among the most affected areas, as are other former ISIS strongholds.

"We see a lot of contamination in built-up urban areas," Pehr Lodhammar, program chief of the UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS) in Iraq, told AFP.

"Explosive hazards and explosive contamination are making it much more difficult for people to return to their homes and to resume a normal life."

More than 1.2 million people are displaced in the country as a result of the successive conflicts.

The fighting has left the borders littered with landmines and unexploded remnants of war, according to a report by the France-based group Humanity & Inclusion.

"Iraq is one of the countries most heavily contaminated by explosive ordnance on earth," the organization said in a report in October.

"Explosive remnants of war affect more than 3,200 square kilometers of land -- twice the area of London.

"A staggering 8.5 million Iraqis live amid these deadly waste-products of war."

A key challenge is raising awareness to allow people to change their behavior in the face of danger.

As a result of sessions held for children and adults, there have been "success stories", Ghaith Qassid Ali, who helps run GCS's awareness program in the Mosul area, told AFP.

As a result of the sessions, children playing in a field "saw a projectile, remembered the photos a team had shown them and warned us", recounted Ali.

He said the UXO phenomenon poses major economic challenges: "The majority of inhabitants of this village are farmers, but most of the land is contaminated by remnants of war."

At just 21 years old, Abdallah Fathi is living proof of the tragedy wrought by wartime munitions.

In 2014, he was tending to his herd when a mine exploded. He lost both his legs, his left hand and several fingers on his right hand.

"Before, I used to work, but now I can do nothing, carry nothing, not even cement blocks," he lamented.

"I stay at home all day, I don't go out."



Lebanon’s Supreme Defense Council: A Coordinating Body within Government Limits  

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun. (AP file)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun. (AP file)
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Lebanon’s Supreme Defense Council: A Coordinating Body within Government Limits  

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun. (AP file)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun. (AP file)

Debate over the Supreme Defense Council (SDC) is back in Lebanon amid rising political discussions about the possibility of assigning it a role in handling the controversial issue of Hezbollah’s weapons.

While some view the council as a body that could offer “technical solutions,” legal and constitutional experts stress that its powers are limited and entirely dependent on a clear mandate from the Cabinet.

Government-driven authority

Constitutional expert Dr. Said Malik told Asharq Al-Awsat that the council does not act independently, especially on sensitive national matters like Hezbollah’s arms.

“The Supreme Defense Council only acts when specifically tasked by the Cabinet. It has no constitutional right to interfere in sovereign matters unless the government authorizes it,” he explained.

He emphasized that the issue of Hezbollah’s weapons is a purely political and governmental responsibility. “Even if the Cabinet assigns this issue to the council, it only executes what it’s asked to do. It cannot take action on its own,” he added.

Malik stressed that there is no legal basis for the council to operate outside the government’s authority, saying: “The council is not a substitute for the Cabinet. It’s only a tool to carry out government decisions.”

Role during crises

While the council’s role tends to expand in times of national tensions or crisis, the constitutional expert insists that this does not change its legal limits.

“The council becomes more visible during periods of instability, as there’s a greater need for coordination among security and military institutions, but all under government supervision,” he underlined.

Malik further noted that the council’s authority stems from Lebanon’s National Defense Law (Decree No. 102, issued on September 16, 1983), particularly Articles 7, 8, and 9.

Structure and operations

According to Article 7, the council is headed by the President of the Republic, with the Prime Minister as deputy. Other members include the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Interior, Defense, Finance, and Economy. The council can also call in military and security leaders as needed.

Article 8 grants the council executive powers when formally assigned a mission by the Cabinet. Otherwise, it mainly offers advice and recommendations.

Not a political decision-maker

Former Interior Minister Marwan Charbel said that assigning the Hezbollah weapons issue to the council would go beyond its real role.

“The council is not meant to replace the government. Its function is limited to security coordination and offering opinions on matters referred to it,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Charbel believes that even if the council is assigned the file, it won’t offer a complete solution: “The council may recommend that the Lebanese Army take over the file, either by integrating Hezbollah fighters or by creating practical security arrangements.”

The former minister also warned against handling the weapons issue with technical fixes or partial solutions.

“You can’t address this problem with isolated decisions. There are serious concerns within the Shiite community and Hezbollah’s support base that must be considered,” he noted, calling for a comprehensive political solution.

“The right approach is a national political process, perhaps a conference under Arab and international sponsorship, that discusses all types of weapons in Lebanon whether Hezbollah’s, Palestinian groups’, and other parties’,” he concluded.