Lebanon's 'Zombie Banks' Downsize to Weather Crisis

Graffiti dubbed on the exterior of a Bank of Beirut branch; Lebanese lenders are widely blamed by citizens for the country's devastating financial crisis. PATRICK BAZ AFP/File
Graffiti dubbed on the exterior of a Bank of Beirut branch; Lebanese lenders are widely blamed by citizens for the country's devastating financial crisis. PATRICK BAZ AFP/File
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Lebanon's 'Zombie Banks' Downsize to Weather Crisis

Graffiti dubbed on the exterior of a Bank of Beirut branch; Lebanese lenders are widely blamed by citizens for the country's devastating financial crisis. PATRICK BAZ AFP/File
Graffiti dubbed on the exterior of a Bank of Beirut branch; Lebanese lenders are widely blamed by citizens for the country's devastating financial crisis. PATRICK BAZ AFP/File

Once the economy's crown jewel, Lebanon's banks are shutting branches and laying off employees in droves, resizing to the bleak reality of a crisis they are widely blamed for.

Before the onset in 2019 of a financial collapse deemed one of the world's worst since the 1850s by the World Bank, the small Mediterranean country had an oversized but prosperous banking sector.

The capital Beirut was a booming regional financial hub, attracting savers keen to profit from high interest rates and banking secrecy laws.

But more than two years into the crisis, the reputation of Lebanese lenders has been shredded, AFP reported.

A dizzying currency collapse, coupled with banks imposing strict withdrawal limits and prohibiting transfers abroad, has left ordinary depositors watching on helplessly as their savings evaporate.

And yet bankers stand accused of bypassing those exact same capital controls -- stoking the crisis by helping the political elite squirrel billions of dollars overseas. 

Their trust destroyed, citizens now keep new income well away from the banks, which in turn are deprived of money they could lend.

"The whole banking system today is made up of zombie banks," said economic analyst Patrick Mardini.

"They don't work as banks anymore -- they don't give loans, they don't take new deposits."

- 'Abandoned country' -
As a result, the industry has been forced to scale back its operations. 

In 2019, Lebanon ranked second in the region for bank branches per 100,000 people, according to the World Bank, and held a total of around $150 billion in deposits. 

Deposits by Arab investors and Lebanese expatriates propelled the banking sector to peak at three times the value of national economic output. 

But more than 160 branches have closed since the end of 2018, leaving a total of 919 branches operating across the country, according to the Association of Banks in Lebanon (ABL).

The number of employees has dropped by around 5,900, reducing the sector's workforce to roughly 20,000 late last year.

"Lebanon is an abandoned country," ABL chief Salim Sfeir told AFP, referring to negligence by the nation's authorities. 

The association claims the sector has been "forced to adapt to the contraction of the economy," even as others blame the banks for overall economic activity plunging by more than half since 2019.

The Lebanese pound, officially pegged at 1,507 to the greenback since 1997, has lost more than 90 percent of its value on the black market.

The slide has prompted banks to adopt a plethora of exchange rates for transactions even though the official rate remains unchanged. 

Those who hold dollar accounts have mostly had to withdraw cash in Lebanese pounds and at a fraction of the black market rate.

"If we apply international accounting standards, almost all Lebanese banks are insolvent," investment banker Jean Riachi said. 

- 'Exit the market' -
Lebanon's government defaulted on its foreign debt in 2020, stymying the country's hopes of quickly securing new international credit or donor money to stem the crisis. 

The ruling elite, beset by internal rifts that have repeatedly left the country without a government, has yet to agree on an economic recovery plan with international creditors.

Disagreements between the government, the central bank and commercial banks over the scale of financial sector losses have dogged talks with the International Monetary Fund that first started nearly two years ago.

In December, the government of Prime Minister Najib Mikati set financial sector losses at around $69 billion in a crucial step towards advancing IMF talks.  

But while the global lender said early this month that efforts to agree on a rescue package have progressed, it made clear more work was needed, especially in terms of "restructuring of the financial sector".

The analyst Mardini said bank restructuring proposals have been discussed by several governments.

Central bank chief Riad Salameh has said banks that are unable to lend must "exit the market".

But meaningful progress on restructuring has been impeded by a political elite who maintain large shares in some of the main banks, according to Mardini. 

For out-of-pocket depositors, the details of any restructuring arrangements are a secondary concern.

"I just want to recover my savings," said Hicham, a businessman who asked to use his first name only over privacy concerns.

"All the parties concerned must assume their responsibilities."



Arab League Chief Condemns Israeli Violations in Palestinian, Syrian, Lebanese Territories

Arab League headquarters in Cairo (The League's official Facebook page)
Arab League headquarters in Cairo (The League's official Facebook page)
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Arab League Chief Condemns Israeli Violations in Palestinian, Syrian, Lebanese Territories

Arab League headquarters in Cairo (The League's official Facebook page)
Arab League headquarters in Cairo (The League's official Facebook page)

Secretary-General of the Arab League Nabil Fahmy denounced Israel’s violations against Palestinian, Syrian, and Lebanese territories saying they cannot be viewed as isolated incidents or justified by fabricated security claims.

He said these actions reflect a persistent approach marked by the use of force, the imposition of a fait accompli, and violations of states' sovereignty and territorial integrity, the Saudi Press Agency said on Thursday.

In a statement, Fahmy asserted that Israel continues to act as a state that disregards international law. He called on the UN Security Council and the international community to take responsibility and implement practical measures to stop these violations and end the policy of impunity.

Fahmy underscored that Israel's actions not only threaten countries in the region but also undermine the credibility of the international legal order. He said they reinforce the notion that force can serve as an alternative to international legitimacy.


Abdi Announces Completion of SDF’s Civil, Military Integration with Damascus

(FILES) Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) commander-in-chief Mazloum Abdi, speaks during a press conference in Syria's northeastern city of Hasakeh on December 6, 2024. (Photo by Delil SOULEIMAN / AFP)
(FILES) Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) commander-in-chief Mazloum Abdi, speaks during a press conference in Syria's northeastern city of Hasakeh on December 6, 2024. (Photo by Delil SOULEIMAN / AFP)
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Abdi Announces Completion of SDF’s Civil, Military Integration with Damascus

(FILES) Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) commander-in-chief Mazloum Abdi, speaks during a press conference in Syria's northeastern city of Hasakeh on December 6, 2024. (Photo by Delil SOULEIMAN / AFP)
(FILES) Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) commander-in-chief Mazloum Abdi, speaks during a press conference in Syria's northeastern city of Hasakeh on December 6, 2024. (Photo by Delil SOULEIMAN / AFP)

The integration of the Kurdish administration within Syria's state institutions is now complete, Syrian Kurdish leader Mazloum Abdi said on Thursday.

The announcement follows months of negotiations between the two sides after a January agreement that called for the full integration of Kurdish civil and military institutions into the state -- a move Washington deemed "historic.”

"I want to say that the phase of integrating military, security and administrative institutions into national state institutions is complete and finished," Abdi, who heads the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, said at an event in Qamishli in northeastern Syria.

"From now on, we begin a new phase," he added.

"Our struggle will continue, to cement our people's rights in the constitution."

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa shakes hands with Mazloum Abdi, commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), in Damascus on March 10, 2025 (SANA)

The January agreement, signed by Abdi and Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, followed clashes between Syrian Kurdish fighters and the new authorities' forces that saw the Kurds lose swathes of territory they held in the oil-rich north and northeast.

Amid the violence, al-Sharaa signed on January 16 a decree enshrining the Kurds' national rights and recognizing Kurdish as a national language.

A photo showing SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi with his fighters wearing the military uniform of the Syrian Ministry of Defense as part of the integration steps last February (social media)

In February, Noureddine Ahmed Eissa, a Kurd from the city of Qamishli, was appointed governor of Hasakeh. In March, senior Kurdish military official Sipan Hamo was appointed regional assistant defense minister.

As part of the deal's implementation, government forces entered the cities of Hasakeh and Qamishli, and Damascus took over the management of Qamishli airport and key oil fields.

US troops also transferred more than 5,700 ISIS detainees in previously Kurdish-controlled camps to neighboring Iraq.


Are Defections Eroding Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces From Within?

Rapid Support Forces fighters (File photo - AP)
Rapid Support Forces fighters (File photo - AP)
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Are Defections Eroding Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces From Within?

Rapid Support Forces fighters (File photo - AP)
Rapid Support Forces fighters (File photo - AP)

A force of dozens of fighters led by General Musa Khamsin has defected from Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and joined the army, the latest in a series of defections in recent months involving field commanders, fighters, and political officials from the RSF-led Sudan Founding Alliance (Tasis).

The defections are raising questions over what is happening inside the RSF: whether they mark the start of deeper military and political erosion, or remain limited losses that its leadership can contain and replace.

Khamsin said that after reaching army-held territory, his group had come from North Darfur and that Major General al-Nour Ahmed al-Qubba, one of the most prominent RSF defectors, had helped them reach Khartoum.

He also cited disappointment with the Tasis project, saying they had initially believed it would establish a new state but later reached a different conclusion.

Welcoming Khamsin and his fighters, al-Qubba said he expected more commanders and forces to defect. He urged RSF fighters in Darfur and Kordofan to join the army.

Army moves to absorb defectors

The latest defection comes as the army takes further steps to integrate former RSF members.

On Wednesday, it said it had completed the first phase of procedures to regularize the status of those who had joined its ranks. The process included taking an oath and completing security and administrative arrangements ahead of their deployment to army formations and units.

The army did not disclose how many people were involved.

Major General al-Walid Abdel Qader Ajabna, director of the army’s Administration Branch, welcomed the new arrivals and praised what he called their decision to “side with the state” and leave the RSF.

One of the most significant defections came in October 2024, when Abu Aqla Keikel, commander of the Sudan Shield forces and a senior RSF commander responsible for Gezira state in central Sudan, left the RSF and joined the army.

The trend gathered momentum this year.

In April, Major General al-Nour al-Qubba, one of the RSF’s most prominent commanders in Darfur, defected and joined the army. He later said he had been the “third man” in the RSF by military rank and had left with three groups, along with their vehicles and equipment.

More defections follow

Further defections followed.

In May, field commander Ali Rizqallah, known as al-Safna, announced his departure from the RSF after fighting on several fronts. Smaller defections were also reported in Kordofan.

The trend spread to Blue Nile state in southern Sudan, where Dhaifallah Adam, deputy commander of the Fourth Combat Group, defected in June.

He said his decision was driven by what he described as “racism and the absence of a cause or purpose for the war.”

The defections have also reached the RSF’s political circle.

Faris al-Nour, a former adviser to the RSF commander and a member of the Tasis alliance’s Presidential Council, resigned from the council and from his post as governor of Khartoum.

He was followed this month by Hamed Mohammed Khalifa, a Presidential Council member whom the alliance had appointed governor of the Kordofan region.

The resignations add a political dimension to the military defections, as Tasis seeks to present itself as the political framework for the RSF-led project and its allies.

Questions over loyalty

Journalist and political analyst Osman Mirghani said the developments represented a “major shift” that had moved beyond the military sphere into politics.

He said the defections reflected the “collapse of the political project” and declining belief among some RSF members that there was a genuine political cause worth fighting for.

Mirghani said the way the government and army received defectors, particularly al-Qubba, had encouraged others to follow, after seeing that the army was prepared to accept and absorb them.

At the same time, comments by Major General Ahmed Qajja, a senior RSF commander, have raised concerns within the group about the loyalty of some political and military figures.

Qajja recently said there was what he called a “fifth column” inside both the RSF and Tasis.

He said his forces had information raising suspicions about around 50% of political advisers, without providing evidence.

He also said he had information about politicians planning to defect and that a file containing their names was being prepared for submission directly to the RSF leadership. He added that there were similar concerns among military personnel.

Qajja called for tighter controls on the movements of senior leaders, saying: “No senior political figure should move without the commander-in-chief’s permission.”

He denied the existence of any agreement with the army and described joining it as “a betrayal of the cause.”

RSF still able to fight

Despite signs of internal strain, the RSF has not yet lost its ability to operate militarily.

It remains capable of mobilizing fighters, moving forces and launching attacks on several fronts, as seen recently in North Kordofan and Blue Nile, despite conflicting accounts from the two sides over the outcome of those battles.

That continuing capacity makes it difficult to treat the defections alone as evidence of an imminent military collapse.

As long as the RSF can recruit, move units and sustain operations across distant fronts, the impact of the defections remains uncertain.

Retired army Lieutenant Colonel al-Tayeb al-Malkabi cautioned against viewing them as proof that the RSF’s collapse was inevitable.

He described the defections as “an indicator that needs to be monitored.”

Their impact, he said, depended on the importance of the commander who defects, the size of the force leaving with him and the RSF’s ability to replace its losses.

Still, al-Malkabi said the defections were “not a good sign” for the RSF because of their potential effect on cohesion and troop movements, as well as their psychological and political impact.

What does the army gain?

The defections also raise questions about the army’s motives for absorbing former RSF members.

Is it mainly seeking to turn the defections into a political gain and weaken its rival from within, or is integrating them also a way to make up for any shortage in its own fighting forces?

With defections spreading from the battlefield into politics, public concern inside the RSF over the loyalty of some advisers and military personnel, and the army moving to absorb those leaving its rival, the picture remains mixed.

Pressure on RSF cohesion is growing, but the group has so far retained its ability to mobilize, fight and open new fronts.

The key test will be whether the RSF can replace those who leave and preserve cohesion in its command and control.

That will determine whether the current defections remain manageable losses or mark the start of a broader process of internal erosion.