Washington Committed to Defending Saudi Arabia, Confronting Iranian Threat

US Deputy Assistant Secretary for Iran and Iraq Jennifer Gavito
US Deputy Assistant Secretary for Iran and Iraq Jennifer Gavito
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Washington Committed to Defending Saudi Arabia, Confronting Iranian Threat

US Deputy Assistant Secretary for Iran and Iraq Jennifer Gavito
US Deputy Assistant Secretary for Iran and Iraq Jennifer Gavito

US Deputy Assistant Secretary for Iran and Iraq Jennifer Gavito, in an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, confirmed that Washington is committed to reinforcing Saudi defenses.

Gavito admitted US concerns towards Iranian influence in Iraq undermining the stability and security of national institutions in the country.

She pointed out that US diplomacy seeks to dissuade Tehran from financing and arming groups outside the control of governments throughout the region. Gavito stressed that illegal flow of weapons from Iran to Yemen has led to an increase in the Houthis' brutal attacks and the suffering of civilians.

Here is the full text of the interview:

What worries the US administration the most about the development of events in Iraq, and what impact does this have on the security and stability of the country?

· ISIS remnants and armed groups operating outside of government control are the biggest obstacles to Iraq’s security and stability. Another area of concern is the economic challenges Iraq faces. We look forward to assisting Iraq diversify its economy and encourage foreign private sector investment in the country.

· Once government formation is complete, we look forward to working with a new government that reflects the will of Iraqi voters and that strives to improve services for all citizens and combat corruption in the interest of the Iraqi people.

· I believe that if we help Iraq strengthen its own sovereignty and institutions over time, improve the capabilities of Iraq’s security forces, and continue to encourage Iraq’s reintegration into the Arab neighborhood, then Iraq will be stable and prosperous. Moreover, it will be a stabilizing force for the entire region.

Some observers believe that the US presence in Iraq has not achieved what the people aspire to. What is your comment?

· We have been and will be a steady, reliable partner that supports Iraq’s sovereignty and security, anti-corruption and economic reform efforts, helps it improve regional relationships, provides humanitarian and demining assistance, supports respect for the human rights of all Iraqis, backs efforts to combat criminal activity and control unlawful armed groups, and advises and assists the Iraqi security forces.

· We are committed to these efforts because our aspiration is to see a stable, prosperous, democratic, and unified Iraq. I believe that the Iraqi people have the same hope and aspirations.

To what extent do the elements of corruption and sectarianism contribute to the complexity of the situation in Iraq?

· Corruption is a threat to all nations as it undermines the rule of law and tears at the fabric of trust and respect between people and their government.

· We share interests with our Iraqi partners in maintaining respect for freedom of expression and of peaceful assembly, enforcing the rule of law, respecting the rights of protesters, journalists, women, members of Iraq’s diverse ethnic and religious communities, and members of other marginalized groups, and pursuing judicial accountability for violent crimes committed against persons belonging to those groups.

To what extent does Iran have a role in the complexities of the political and security situation in Iraq?

· While we encourage Iraq to maintain friendly, productive relations with all its neighbors, we remain concerned about Iranian influence that undermines the stability and the integrity of Iraqi national institutions. Our diplomatic approach seeks to dissuade Iran from funding and arming groups outside the control of governments around the region, including Iraq.

How do you view the risks of Iranian activity on the security and stability of the region?

· The United States is concerned about Iranian influence that undermines the stability and the integrity of Iraq’s sovereignty and national institutions, and so are the Iraqi people.

· President Biden has made very clear that the United States wants to resolve our differences with Iran through diplomatic means.

· We firmly believe that a stable, sovereign, economically prosperous Iraq is key to broadening our mutually beneficial partnership with the Iraqi people and to bringing greater stability to the region.

· This Administration is committed to working toward regional de-escalation and wider economic and political integration in the region, including across historical lines of conflict.

· If regional actors and Iraq’s neighbors follow the same strategy with the same goal in mind, our chances of success will be far greater.

What is your assessment of the Iranian support for the Houthis in Yemen and its implications for the safety and security of the region?

· The United States has consistently seen evidence of the smuggling of arms from Iran to the Houthis. This represents a flagrant violation of the UN targeted arms embargo. It is yet another example of how malign Iranian activity is prolonging the war in Yemen.

· Iran’s support for armed groups throughout the region threatens international and regional security, our forces, our diplomatic personnel and citizens in the region, as well as our partners in the region and elsewhere.

· The Biden Administration is committed to countering this threat from Iran. The US seized dozens of anti-tank guided missiles, thousands of assault rifles, and hundreds of machine guns and rocket-propelled grenade launchers from similar vessels in December, May, and February of last year.

· The illegal flow of weapons from Iran to Yemen is enabling the brutal Houthi offensives in Yemen, increasing the suffering of civilians. Further fighting - whether in Marib or elsewhere – is only bringing more suffering.

What is your assessment of the Saudi-US cooperation in the security and strategic fields? How important is this to international peace and security?

· Saudi Arabia faces significant threats to its territory; we are committed to working together to help the Saudis strengthen their defenses to defend its territory, its citizens, and the thousands of US citizens residing in Saudi Arabia.

· Cross-border attacks launched by the Houthis on the UAE, as well as Saudi Arabia, have killed civilians - including the January 17 attack on the Abu Dhabi airport that resulted in civilian casualties.

· There were more than 400 cross-border attacks last year launched by the Houthis with Iranian support, which affected Saudi infrastructure, schools, mosques, and workplaces, and endangered the civilian population, including 70,000 US citizens living in Saudi Arabia.

· With US support Saudi Arabia has been able to intercept 90 percent of the attacks, but we need to aim for 100 percent.

· The United States is committed to advancing Saudi defenses through security cooperation, arms transfers, and defense trade, exercises, training, and exchanges, alongside engagement on human rights and civilian harm mitigation. We have a number of tools available to assist Saudi Arabia to strengthen its air defense capabilities and will continue to discuss a range of security needs with our partners.



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”