Yemenis Agree on Need to End the Houthis Militarily

Houthi supporters attend a rally to mark the first anniversary of the killing of Saleh al-Sammad, who was the head of the Houthi Supreme Political Council (File Photo: Reuters)
Houthi supporters attend a rally to mark the first anniversary of the killing of Saleh al-Sammad, who was the head of the Houthi Supreme Political Council (File Photo: Reuters)
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Yemenis Agree on Need to End the Houthis Militarily

Houthi supporters attend a rally to mark the first anniversary of the killing of Saleh al-Sammad, who was the head of the Houthi Supreme Political Council (File Photo: Reuters)
Houthi supporters attend a rally to mark the first anniversary of the killing of Saleh al-Sammad, who was the head of the Houthi Supreme Political Council (File Photo: Reuters)

Houthi militia leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi commemorated the eighth year of war and terrorism, rejecting all international and regional calls for peace and disregarding the inter-Yemeni consultations hosted by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).

Houthi disregarded the tragedies his group caused to Yemenis at the humanitarian, economic, and cultural levels during the past years. Instead, he asked his supporters to continue with levies and mobilizations.

He also determined his conditions for ending the war, announcing that his group should rule the country and the Coalition to Support Legitimacy must stop interfering in Yemeni affairs.

Meanwhile, Yemenis are confident the Houthi group will never stop its military escalation, whether inside the country or through terrorist attacks targeting navigation in the Red Sea and threatening the global economy, including the recent attack on the Aramco facility in Jeddah.

Yemenis are also confident that Houthis do not want peace based on the three references, nor does Iran, which is wagering that the power of arms will subject Yemen to its racist rule.

Observers believe that ending the Houthi militias militarily and disarming them will achieve peace.

Yemeni writer and journalist Ahmed Abbas said that the Houthi militia responds negatively to every call for peace and dialogue.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Abbas said that the Gulf Cooperation Council's invitation to the militia to attend the upcoming Riyadh consultations was met with the military escalation and attacks against civilians in Saudi Arabia.

He indicated that the group attacked oil facilities, unaware of the threat this poses to the global economy, and fully aware that it will only be met with timid condemnations from the international community.

Iran awaits the nuclear agreement that will lift the economic sanctions, said Abbas, adding that Tehran incited the Houthis to pressure and achieve the maximum in its nuclear plans, which would have been finalized hadn't it been for the Russian-Ukrainian crisis.

He explained that the attacks were focused on oil facilities, sending a message to the international community that Iranian oil can compensate any shortages caused by the embargo on Russian oil and gas.

The journalist noted that the legitimacy and the coalition supporting it must utilize new mechanisms to pressure the international community because the threat of the Houthi group "can only be curbed or reduced through getting rid of it and uprooting it."

Abbas expects the new nuclear agreement to liberate Iran economically and increase its support for all its arms, especially the Houthis.

Yemeni political analyst, Mahmoud al-Taher, believes that the unprecedented Houthi escalation against energy supplies is related to "Western pressures on oil exporters to increase production, as a result of the crisis in Western markets, and the lack of a firm response by the international community, which encouraged the Houthis to launch more attacks."

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Taher stated that the Houthis reject any dialogue in Riyadh and ignore other Yemeni political components.

Houthis want the dialogue to be with the Coalition that Supports Legitimacy directly, to portray that the war is with these countries, not between the Yemeni people and a group that has turned against the people, according to Taher.

The analyst asserted that the Houthi escalation would only be contained by neutralizing the danger and launching a ground military operation with heavy air support, similar to the ground military operations in Shabwa and Harib last January.

Yemeni journalist and political analyst Wadah al-Jalil considered the Houthi escalation a challenge to the international community in light of the current energy crisis due to the war in Ukraine.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat that Houthis want all parties to make concessions, recognize them, and enable them to carry out their project, adding that Iran is behind the hostilities aiming to confirm its power, presence, and ability to harm everyone's interests.

Jalil said that Iran wants to send a message that it can target all oil facilities in the region, noting that he believes international actors involved in the Russian-Ukrainian crisis may have given the "green light" for the attacks, aiming that Saudi Arabia and the UAE will increase their oil production to alleviate the problem.

He accused the parties of exploiting Houthis to blackmail the two Gulf states, providing logistical support, and enabling them to expand their influence.

Jalil believes that the best way to end the Houthi escalation is through a firm and decisive confrontation with the Houthis and classifying them as a terrorist group.

He called for withdrawing all the group's privileges obtained through UN organizations and bodies operating in its control areas, enabling the Yemeni government to restore its sovereignty.



Syria’s al-Sharaa Under Trump’s Spotlight, Admiring ‘Strong’ Leaders

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
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Syria’s al-Sharaa Under Trump’s Spotlight, Admiring ‘Strong’ Leaders

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)

A hundred days after Ahmed al-Sharaa was sworn in as Syria’s president, US officials are still proceeding with caution regarding his administration. There are concerns about the potential for chaos, which could create fertile ground for extremist groups and allow Iran to maintain its foothold in the country.

Additionally, there are growing anxieties over Türkiye’s expanding influence across Syria and its implications for Israel.

These points were highlighted in discussions with Robert Wood, a former US ambassador who held various positions at the State Department and served at the US Mission to the United Nations; Robert Ford, former US ambassador to Syria; Henri Barkey, senior fellow for Middle Eastern Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and former government official; and Ayman Abdel Nour, a Syrian-American political analyst and journalist.

While caution is urged in evaluating al-Sharaa’s leadership, it remains unclear whether his actions will translate into meaningful governance.

According to Wood, the current situation in Syria can be described as highly complex, especially considering recent violence, and experts are watching closely to see how al-Sharaa navigates these challenges. While his hosting of a national unity conference has drawn some positive attention, concerns remain about the broader implications of his leadership.

Ford shares a similar perspective, acknowledging that Shara's actions often align with what one would expect from a head of state. Notably, his agreement with Mazloum Abdi, leader of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), is seen as a potential step toward greater internal stability, provided it is properly implemented.

However, Barkey emphasizes that Abdi controls a much larger force than other groups like Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, which likely made it necessary for al-Sharaa to strike a deal with him. If Abdi forms alliances with other minority groups, such as the Druze, he could become a key figure of opposition to al-Sharaa’s rule. Additionally, al-Sharaa faces the challenge of reducing his reliance on Turkish support, while also proving his ability to act independently on the international stage.

US diplomats, however, remained cautious about al-Sharaa's leadership, with some expressing skepticism about his ability to lead effectively. While he appears to be acting presidentially, concerns persist regarding his control over extremist factions within his government, as well as recent security violations in Latakia and Tartus. Experts note that despite his ascent to power, Sharaa has yet to unite the country, with some pointing to the collapse of the regime’s military as a key factor in his rise.

A significant point of criticism from Barkey is al-Sharaa’s appointment of former jihadists as governors in key areas, including Latakia and Tartus, as well as his reliance on family members and loyalists within his government.

While some US officials argue that Sharaa’s government may not be directly involved in recent incidents, uncertainty remains about who in his administration might be complicit.

For his part, Abdel Nour highlights a shift in public perception of al-Sharaa since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024.

Initially, Syrians—including Alawites—were relieved by Assad's ousting, but nearly 100 days into Sharaa's presidency, tensions have risen due to discrepancies between al-Sharaa’s rhetoric and the reality on the ground, particularly in relation to key figures like Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani and mid-level officials.

Key Questions Raised on Accountability and Rule of Law

Ford echoed concerns about al-Sharaa’s ability to address critical issues, including accountability and the rule of law, especially following the unrest in Latakia and Tartus.

Despite al-Sharaa’s formation of a committee to investigate the incidents, Ford questions whether those responsible for violations will be held publicly accountable, stressing that such actions are crucial for maintaining trust within security forces and the broader public.

Wood acknowledged the significance of al-Sharaa’s national unity conference yet remains deeply concerned about the potential agreements Sharaa may strike with the SDF. While he sees positive signs, he underscores the importance of thorough investigations into recent killings, as the identities of those responsible remain unclear.

US Perspectives on al-Sharaa’s Leadership

Abdel Nour describes two prevalent perspectives in Washington regarding al-Sharaa’s leadership. One, held by military and security figures with experience in Iraq, doubts that the new Syrian leadership will bring significant change, regardless of its outward appearance. The other viewpoint suggests giving al-Sharaa several months to adjust to the new reality.

Fears Over ISIS Prisoners and Regional Stability

A significant concern raised by Wood is the potential release of approximately 9,500 ISIS fighters currently held in over 20 prisons across Syria, should Sharaa reach a deal with the SDF. These fighters could pose a serious security threat not only to Syria but to Iraq and the broader region.

Ford added that al-Sharaa’s past, particularly his involvement with jihadist factions like Jabhat al-Nusra and ISIS, raises questions about his true political motivations. Ford wonders whether al-Sharaa used these groups for political leverage.

Iran’s Influence and Regional Dynamics

Both Wood and Ford emphasize the importance of monitoring Iran’s role in Syria. Ford warns that further instability could provide Iran with opportunities to rebuild its influence in certain Syrian communities, which he believes would not align with US national security interests.

Wood stresses that neighboring countries, including Israel and Türkiye, have a strong interest in a unified Syria to avoid further regional instability.

Professor Barkey cautions that while Iran's influence in Syria has not been eliminated, Tehran will likely continue to pursue ways to reassert its presence.

Türkiye-Israel Tensions and the Future of Syria

Concerns over a potential Turkish-Israeli confrontation in Syria are growing. Ford points out that Türkiye, a key player with growing ties to al-Sharaa’s government, could play a significant role in Syria’s future. He worries that a direct conflict between Turkish and Israeli forces, potentially involving airstrikes or proxy engagements, could escalate tensions in the region.

However, Barkey believes that such a scenario is unlikely to escalate into direct military confrontation. Instead, he suggests that the Turkish-Israeli rivalry will remain largely political, with both countries focusing on strategic interests in the region, particularly in Syria’s south where Israel is concerned about the resurgence of Hezbollah or other new actors.

In discussions surrounding Syria’s new constitution, Ford sees little value in UN Security Council Resolution 2254 and the Constitutional Committee led by UN Special Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen. Similarly, Barkey shares Ford’s skepticism, noting that he sees limited potential for the UN to bring about meaningful change unless Arab countries step in with support.

Barkey also echoes the view held by many that US President Donald Trump was unpredictable in his decision-making. He added that Trump had a deep admiration, though not fascination, for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, viewing him as one of the “strongmen” capable of shaping the future of their countries as they see fit.

Looking ahead, Barkey remains uncertain about Syria’s future, acknowledging that the situation is highly unpredictable. He suggests that if Syria were to experience another war or a severe collapse of law and order, it is highly probable that ISIS could resurge.

The US government, Barkey speculates, is likely deeply concerned that without American forces acting as a buffer or deterrent, the stability of the region could be further jeopardized in the event of a breakdown in Syria.