The Case for and against EU Sanctions on Russian Oil

A large European Union flag lies at the center of Schuman Square outside European Commission headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, May 8, 2021. (Reuters)
A large European Union flag lies at the center of Schuman Square outside European Commission headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, May 8, 2021. (Reuters)
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The Case for and against EU Sanctions on Russian Oil

A large European Union flag lies at the center of Schuman Square outside European Commission headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, May 8, 2021. (Reuters)
A large European Union flag lies at the center of Schuman Square outside European Commission headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, May 8, 2021. (Reuters)

European Union countries on Thursday approved a ban on Russian coal imports from August as part of new measures against Moscow, but are split over whether oil or gas sanctions should follow.

The coal embargo is the EU's first energy sanction against Moscow following its invasion of Ukraine. Officials say the bloc will now discuss sanctions on oil, which represent far bigger imports from Russia than coal.

However, not all countries are on board, with some like Germany and Hungary fearing the economic impact even though civilian killings in Ukraine have increased Europe's resolve to punish the Kremlin.

Russia denies allegations that it has targeted civilians in what President Vladimir Putin calls a "special military operation" to disarm Ukraine.

Here are arguments for and against sanctioning Russian oil.

The case for oil sanctions
Ukraine and EU states including Poland and Lithuania want a ban on Russian oil and gas. Oil is Russia's most lucrative energy export, and blocking it would deprive Moscow of a major revenue stream those countries complain is funding the war.

EU lawmakers on Thursday approved a non-binding resolution for an immediate embargo on Russian energy imports.

Oil and oil products made up more than a third of Moscow's export revenues last year. Currently, Europe spends around $450 million per day on Russian crude oil and refined products, around $400 million per day for gas, and roughly $25 million for coal, according to think-tank Bruegel.

In theory, producers such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have enough spare capacity for Europe to replace the Russian oil it buys, which is roughly half of Russia's total crude exports of 4.7 million barrels per day. However, producer group OPEC+ has so far only committed to incrementally increase output.

The terms of any oil embargo could determine its support among EU states, with options for flexibility including a transition period - like the four-month phase-in agreed for the EU's Russian coal sanctions - or carve-outs for specific products, such as the 10% of Europe's diesel that comes from Russia.

Some countries have suggested halfway measures that would not ban Russian oil purchases, but would withhold some payments for it.

Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas - who supports oil and gas sanctions - last week asked the European Commission to propose skimming off a share of Europe's payments for Russian fossil fuels and placing them in a third-party account instead of sending them to Moscow, effectively imposing a tariff on such imports.

The case against oil sanctions
Germany and Hungary are opposed to an immediate oil embargo, which Berlin has said would risk German economic and social stability.

Russia is Europe's biggest oil supplier, providing 26% of EU oil imports in 2020. Europe gets roughly a third of its gross available energy from oil and petroleum products, in sectors from transport to chemicals production.

Sanctioning Russian supply could push up already-high oil prices, which soared to a 14-year peak last month. Germany, Sweden, France and Italy have announced subsidies to shield motorists from high prices - moves criticized by climate campaigners as fossil fuel subsidies.

Brent crude prices could be around 21% higher on average in 2022 under EU oil sanctions, compared with a reference case where voluntary "self-sanctioning" by companies caused a smaller shut-in of Russian supplies, according to the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies.

The price impact of sanctions would also depend on factors including releases of strategic oil reserves aimed at cooling prices.

Brent crude futures were last trading 0.8% up on Friday at $101.36.

Another concern is that EU oil sanctions could see Russia retaliate by also cutting off the 40% of EU gas it supplies.

Gas sanctions are seen as the last resort in the EU's package of potential energy measures, because of the dependence of European industries and home heating on the fuel, plus the challenges Europe would face to replace Russian supply in a tight global gas market and with limited infrastructure for importing more liquefied natural gas.



Harris Tries to Thread the Needle on Gaza After Meeting with Netanyahu 

US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
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Harris Tries to Thread the Needle on Gaza After Meeting with Netanyahu 

US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)

Vice President Kamala Harris, the likely Democratic nominee for president, is attempting to bridge divides within the party over the war in Gaza, emphasizing Israel's right to defend itself while also focusing on alleviating Palestinian suffering.

She delivered remarks after meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday that reflected a delicate balancing act on one of the country's most divisive political issues. Some Democrats have been critical of President Joe Biden's steadfast support for Israel despite the increasing death toll among Palestinians, and Harris is trying to unite her party for the election battle with Republican candidate Donald Trump.

"We cannot look away in the face of these tragedies," she said. "We cannot allow ourselves to become numb to the suffering. And I will not be silent."

Harris did not deviate from the administration's approach to the conflict, including grueling negotiations aimed at ending the fighting, releasing hostages held by Hamas and eventually rebuilding Gaza. She also said nothing about military assistance for Israel, which some Democrats want to cut.

Instead, she tried to refocus the conversation around mitigating the calamity in Gaza, and she used language intended to nudge Americans toward an elusive middle ground.

"The war in Gaza is not a binary issue," she said. "But too often, the conversation is binary when the reality is anything but."

In addition, Harris made a more explicit appeal to voters who have been frustrated by the ceaseless bloodshed, which began when Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7.

"To everyone who has been calling for a ceasefire, and to everyone who yearns for peace, I see you, and I hear you," she said.

Harris' meeting with Netanyahu was private, and she described it as "frank and constructive." She also emphasized her longtime support for Israel, which includes raising money to plant trees in the country when she was a young girl.

Jewish Americans traditionally lean Democratic, but Republicans have tried to make inroads. Trump claimed this week that Harris "is totally against the Jewish people" because she didn't attend Netanyahu's address to a joint meeting of Congress. The vice president was traveling in Indiana during the speech.

Harris is married to a Jewish man, Doug Emhoff, who has played an outspoken role in the administration's efforts to combat antisemitism.

Netanyahu did not speak publicly after his meeting with Harris. His trip was scheduled before Biden dropped his reelection bid, but the meeting with Harris was watched closely for clues to her views on Israel.

"She is in a tricky situation and walking a tightrope where she’s still the vice president and the president really is the one who leads on the foreign policy agenda," said Dearborn Mayor Abdullah Hammoud, a Democrat whose city is home to one of the largest Arab American communities in the nation. "But as the candidate, the presumptive nominee, she has to now create the space to differentiate in order for her to chart a new course."

Protesters gathered outside Union Station on the day of Netanyahu's speech, ripping down American flags and spray painting "Hamas is coming."

Harris sharply criticized those actions, saying there were "despicable acts by unpatriotic protesters and dangerous hate-fueled rhetoric. "

"I support the right to peacefully protest, but let’s be clear: Antisemitism, hate and violence of any kind have no place in our nation," she said in a statement.

As vice president, Harris has tried to show little daylight between herself and Biden. But David Rothkopf, a foreign policy writer who has met with her, said there's been "a noticeable difference in tone, particularly in regards to concern for the plight of innocent Palestinians."

The difference was on display in Selma, Alabama, in March, when Harris commemorated the anniversary of the Bloody Sunday march for voting rights in 1965.

During her speech, Harris said that "given the immense scale of suffering in Gaza, there must be an immediate ceasefire."

The audience broke out in applause. A few sentences later, Harris emphasized that it was up to Hamas to accept the deal that had been offered. But her demand for a ceasefire still resonated in ways that Biden's comments had not.

An AP-NORC poll conducted in June found that about 6 in 10 Democrats disapproved of the way Biden is handling the conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians. Roughly the same number said Israel's military response in Gaza had gone too far.

Israeli analysts said they doubted that Harris would present a dramatic shift in policies toward their country.

Chuck Freilich, a former Israeli deputy national security adviser and senior fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies, a Tel Aviv think tank, said Harris was from a generation of American politicians who felt they could both support Israel and publicly criticize its policies.

"The question is as president, what would she do?" Freilich said. "I think she would put considerably more pressure on Israel on the Palestinian issue overall."