Slain Al Jazeera Journalist Was Icon of Palestinian Coverage

This handout file picture obtained from a former colleague of Al Jazeera's late veteran TV journalist Shireen Abu Aqleh, shows her reporting from Jerusalem on June 12, 2021. (AFP)
This handout file picture obtained from a former colleague of Al Jazeera's late veteran TV journalist Shireen Abu Aqleh, shows her reporting from Jerusalem on June 12, 2021. (AFP)
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Slain Al Jazeera Journalist Was Icon of Palestinian Coverage

This handout file picture obtained from a former colleague of Al Jazeera's late veteran TV journalist Shireen Abu Aqleh, shows her reporting from Jerusalem on June 12, 2021. (AFP)
This handout file picture obtained from a former colleague of Al Jazeera's late veteran TV journalist Shireen Abu Aqleh, shows her reporting from Jerusalem on June 12, 2021. (AFP)

A veteran Al Jazeera correspondent who was shot dead on Wednesday during an Israeli raid in the West Bank was a highly respected journalist in the Middle East whose unflinching coverage was known to millions of viewers.

News of Shireen Abu Akleh's death reverberated across the region. The 51-year-old journalist became a household name synonymous with Al Jazeera’s coverage of life under occupation during her more than two decades reporting in the Palestinian territories, including during the second intifada, or uprising, that killed thousands on both sides, most of them Palestinians.

Described as "the face of Al Jazeera in Palestine" by the network, Abu Akleh's name trended across Twitter in Arabic on Wednesday, setting social media alight with support for the Palestinians. Her image was projected over the main square in the West Bank city of Ramallah as mourners flooded the Al Jazeera offices there and her family home in east Jerusalem.

Abu Akleh's coverage of the harsh realities of Israel’s military occupation was inextricably linked with her own experiences as a Palestinian journalist on the front lines. Her death underscores the heavy price the conflict continues to exact on Palestinians, regardless of their role as journalists.

Although she was also a US citizen who often visited America in the summers, she lived and worked in east Jerusalem and the West Bank, where those who knew her said she felt most at home. A Palestinian Christian whose family was originally from Bethlehem, she was born and raised in Jerusalem. She leaves behind a brother and her parents.

In an Al Jazeera video released last year, Abu Akleh recalled the scale of destruction and "the feeling that death was at times just around the corner" during her coverage of the second intifada, from 2000-2005. "Despite the dangers, we were determined to do the job," she said.

"I chose journalism so I could be close to the people," she added. "It might not be easy to change the reality, but at least I was able to communicate their voice to the world."

Abu Akleh joined Al Jazeera in 1997, just a year after the groundbreaking Arabic news network launched. Among her many assignments were covering five wars in Gaza and Israel’s war with Lebanon in 2006. She reported on forced home evictions, the killings of Palestinian youth, the hundreds of Palestinians held without charge in Israeli prisons and the continuous expansion of Jewish settlements.

Her longtime producer, Wessam Hammad, said Abu Akleh possessed an incredible ability to remain calm under pressure. "Shireen worked all these years with a commitment to the values and ethics of our profession," he said adding: "Shireen is considered an icon of Al Jazeera."

He and Abu Akleh were often caught in Israeli cross-fire during the many stories they covered together, he said. On one assignment, their car filled with tear gas and they struggled to breathe. When they would think back on these moments, he said Abu Akleh would laugh and marvel at how they managed to survive.

Images of the moments after Abu Akleh was shot in the head in the West Bank town of Jenin circulated online and were broadcast on Al Jazeera and other Arabic news channels. Wearing a helmet and a vest clearly marked "PRESS," Abu Akleh’s body was shown lying face down in a patch of sand. A Palestinian man jumped over a wall to reach her as gunshots rang out, dragging her motionless body to a car.

In video from the West Bank hospital where Abu Akleh was pronounced dead, a male colleague was seen weeping at her hospital bed as others choked back tears. A female correspondent for Al Jazeera in the Gaza Strip wept on air as she reported from a vigil for the journalist.

Later Wednesday, Abu Akleh’s body, draped in a Palestinian flag and covered by a wreath of flowers, was carried through downtown Ramallah on a red stretcher. Hundreds chanted, "With our spirit, with our blood, we will redeem you, Shireen.”

An outpouring of condemnation came from governments around the world. The US State Department called her death "an affront to media freedom."

Al Jazeera and witnesses, including her producer who was shot in the back Wednesday, said Israeli forces killed her. Israel said it was unclear who was responsible, calling it "premature and irresponsible to cast blame at this stage."

It had started as another routine assignment for Abu Akleh. She'd emailed colleagues that she was heading to the Jenin refugee camp to check on reports of an Israeli military raid. "I will bring you the news as soon as the picture becomes clear," she wrote.

"Generations grew up seeing her work," producer Hammad, said. "People listened to Shireen’s voice and were influenced by her to study journalism so they could be like her."

Abu Akleh's niece, Lina Abu Akleh, described her as a "best friend" and "second mom".

"She is someone that I was looking up to since I was a kid, watching all of her reports," she told journalists from the family's home. "I never thought this day would come where the news would be about her."



Can Hezbollah Transition to a Fully Political Party?

Supporters of Lebanon's Hezbollah group block the streets with burning tires as they rally in cars and motorbikes to protest the government's endorsement of a plan to disarm it, in Beirut's southern suburbs early on August 8, 2025. (AFP)
Supporters of Lebanon's Hezbollah group block the streets with burning tires as they rally in cars and motorbikes to protest the government's endorsement of a plan to disarm it, in Beirut's southern suburbs early on August 8, 2025. (AFP)
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Can Hezbollah Transition to a Fully Political Party?

Supporters of Lebanon's Hezbollah group block the streets with burning tires as they rally in cars and motorbikes to protest the government's endorsement of a plan to disarm it, in Beirut's southern suburbs early on August 8, 2025. (AFP)
Supporters of Lebanon's Hezbollah group block the streets with burning tires as they rally in cars and motorbikes to protest the government's endorsement of a plan to disarm it, in Beirut's southern suburbs early on August 8, 2025. (AFP)

Mounting calls in Lebanon for Hezbollah to hand over its weapons and dissolve its armed wing have reignited debate over whether the party’s structure, principles and founding ideology could allow a smooth shift to purely political activity – or whether such a change would require a complete overhaul of the party and a new charter to match the country’s shifting landscape.

Founded in 1982, Hezbollah has gone through two major ideological milestones: its 1985 “open letter,” which served as its founding political and religious manifesto, and its 2009 “political document,” an updated vision shaped by regional and domestic changes.

In its early platform, Hezbollah openly called for an Islamic republic in Lebanon, rejected the sectarian political system, pledged allegiance to Iran’s supreme leader, and endorsed armed resistance as the only path to confront Israel.

By 2009, the group acknowledged that Lebanon’s multi-sectarian fabric made an Islamic state impossible, advocating instead “consensual democracy” as a transitional step toward abolishing sectarianism, while reaffirming armed resistance in coordination with the army and the people.

Hezbollah entered parliamentary politics in 1992 after the civil war and joined the cabinet in 2005, following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri.

Former MP Fares Souaid, head of the Lady of the Mountain Gathering, said Hezbollah “does politics in military fatigues,” making it hard to imagine a transformation from what he called “an Iranian military arm in Lebanon” into a regular political party.

“Hezbollah’s presence in parliament and cabinet was to monitor decisions that could hinder its military and security work, not to be fully involved in constitutional politics,” Souaid told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He added that many in the group’s Shiite base still view its arsenal as a guarantee, even though dissenting voices have emerged.

Jad al-Akhaoui, head of the Lebanese Democratic Coalition, said Hezbollah’s founding principles – rooted in religious ideology and armed struggle under Iran’s “Wilayat al-Faqih” (Guardianship of the Jurist) – are incompatible with the concept of a civilian political party in a democracy.

“If Hezbollah truly wants to become a political party, it must separate religion from the state, abandon its weapons and redefine itself as Lebanese first and foremost, not as a regional proxy,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Al-Akhaoui argued that Hezbollah’s political participation has been a means to entrench its position within the state without integrating fully into it, using parliament and cabinet to shield its weapons.

“The party used politics to legitimize its arms, not to reconsider them,” he said, adding that frustration is growing within its Shiite constituency over the economic collapse, international isolation and involvement in wars unrelated to Lebanon.

Political analyst Kassem Kassir, however, said there is no inherent reason why Hezbollah could not become a purely political party.

“Armed resistance was due to Israeli occupation and external circumstances,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“If the occupation ends and the state can defend the people and rebuild, there is no problem with giving up the weapons.”

Kassir said Hezbollah’s political track record shows it can mobilize popular support and use politics to serve the community and defend the resistance.

“Today, the continued Israeli occupation and the state’s failure to protect its citizens are what keep the arms in place,” he said.