Israeli Nationalists Chant Racist Slogans in Jerusalem March

Israelis wave the national flag on the eve of the 'flag march' to mark Jerusalem Day, which commemorates the unification of the city Menahem KAHANA AFP
Israelis wave the national flag on the eve of the 'flag march' to mark Jerusalem Day, which commemorates the unification of the city Menahem KAHANA AFP
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Israeli Nationalists Chant Racist Slogans in Jerusalem March

Israelis wave the national flag on the eve of the 'flag march' to mark Jerusalem Day, which commemorates the unification of the city Menahem KAHANA AFP
Israelis wave the national flag on the eve of the 'flag march' to mark Jerusalem Day, which commemorates the unification of the city Menahem KAHANA AFP

Thousands of Israeli nationalists, some of them chanting "Death to Arabs," paraded through the heart of the main Palestinian thoroughfare in Jerusalem’s Old City on Sunday, in a show of force that risked setting off a new wave of violence in the tense city.

The crowds, who were overwhelmingly young Orthodox Jewish men, were celebrating Jerusalem Day -- an Israeli holiday that marks the capture of the Old City in the 1967 Mideast war. Palestinians see the event, which passes through the heart of the Muslim Quarter, as a provocation. Last year, the parade helped trigger an 11-day war with Gaza militants, and this year's march drew condemnations from the Palestinians and neighboring Jordan.

Israel said it deployed thousands of police and security forces for the event, and violent scuffles between Jewish and Palestinian groups erupted inside the Old City before the parade began.

As the march got underway, groups of Orthodox Jewish youths gathered outside Damascus Gate, waving flags, singing religious and nationalistic songs, and shouting "the Jewish nation lives" before entering the Muslim Quarter. One large group chanted "Death to Arabs," and "Let your village burn down" before descending into the Old City.

Police cleared Palestinians out of the area, which is normally a bustling Palestinian thoroughfare. At one point, a drone flying a Palestinian flag flew overhead before police intercepted it.

Ahead of the march, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett said that "flying the flag of Israel in the capital of Israel is an obvious thing," but also urged participants to celebrate in a "responsible and respectful manner."

Bennett later issued a statement instructing police to show "no tolerance" toward the racist groups. He described them as a "minority that came to set the area on fire" and vowed to prosecute violent extremists - a step that few Israeli governments have taken in the past. Foreign Minister Yair Lapid called the racist groups "a disgrace."

Thousands of people normally take part in the march through the Muslim Quarter, including some who shout out nationalistic or racist slogans toward the Palestinians, before making their way to the Western Wall in the Jewish Quarter on the other side of the Old City.

Last year, after weeks of Israeli-Palestinian unrest in Jerusalem, authorities changed the route of the march at the last minute to avoid the Muslim Quarter. But it was too late by then, and Hamas fighters in Gaza fired a barrage of rockets toward Jerusalem as the procession was getting underway. That set off 11 days of heavy fighting.

Sunday’s march came at a time of heightened tensions. Israeli police have repeatedly confronted stone-throwing Palestinian demonstrators in the disputed compound in recent months, often firing rubber bullets and stun grenades.

At the same time, some 19 Israelis have been killed by Palestinian attackers in Israel and the occupied West Bank in recent weeks, while over 35 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli military operations in the occupied West Bank. Some were armed, while others were shot while allegedly throwing stones or firebombs at troops. But several appear appear to have been uninvolved in any violence, including Shireen Abu Akleh, a well-known correspondent for the Al Jazeera satellite channel.

Jerusalem police were criticized internationally for beating mourners at Abu Akleh’s funeral two weeks ago.

Despite the recent unrest, Israeli leaders decided to allow this year's parade to take place along its traditional route through the Muslim Quarter. Ahead the march, there were small scuffles between Israeli nationalists and Palestinians, who threw chairs and bottles and shouted "God is great" at the marchers. Some marchers sprayed pepper spray at Palestinians and journalists. In one video shared on social media, a young Jewish man kicked and sprayed an older Palestinian woman in the face, sending her crumbling to the ground.

Police also fired rubber-tipped bullets and used clubs and pepper spray to disperse Palestinian protesters from the area. The Palestinian Red Crescent rescue service said 15 people were injured by Israeli police, including four who needed hospitalization.

Ahead of the march, over 2,500 Jews visited Jerusalem’s most sensitive holy site inside the Old City, as Palestinians barricaded inside the Al-Aqsa Mosque threw rocks and fireworks.

Al-Aqsa is situated on a hilltop compound revered by Muslims and Jews. The mosque is the third-holiest site in Islam, and the Palestinians are fiercely protective over what they consider to be a potent symbol of their national aspirations.

The compound also is the holiest site for Jews, who call it the Temple Mount and revere it as the home of the biblical Temples. The competing claims to the site lie at the heart of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and have triggered numerous rounds of violence.

Police also said one of the Jewish groups "violated visitation rules" and was removed. Israeli media said the group had unfurled Israeli flags in the compound.

Under longstanding arrangements known as the "status quo," Jews are allowed to visit the compound but not pray. In recent years, however, the number of Jewish visitors has grown significantly, including some who have been spotted quietly praying.

Such scenes have sparked Palestinian fears that Israel is plotting to take over or divide the area. Israel denies such claims, saying it remains committed to the status quo.

Among the visitors was Itamar Ben-Gvir, leader of a small ultranationalist opposition party and a follower of the late racist rabbi, Meir Kahane, who entered with dozens of supporters under heavy police guard.

Palestinians shouted "God is great" as Ben-Gvir, accompanied by Israeli police, shouted "the Jewish people live." Police said they locked the gates of the mosque and said they made 18 arrests.

Nabil Abu Rdeneh, spokesman for Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, accused Israel of "playing with fire irresponsibly and recklessly."

Jordan condemned Ben-Gvir’s visit to the site and warned that the "provocative and escalating march" could make things deteriorate further. Jordan controlled east Jerusalem until Israel captured it in 1967 and it remains the custodian over Muslim holy sites.

Israel captured east Jerusalem, including the Old City, in the 1967 Mideast war. Israel has annexed east Jerusalem in a move that isn’t internationally recognized and claims all of the city as its capital. The Palestinians seek east Jerusalem as the capital of a future state.

Gaza’s Hamas rulers praised what they called "the great heroism" shown by Palestinians at Al-Aqsa earlier Sunday. "The Islamic Palestinian Arab identity of the Al-Aqsa Mosque will be protected by our people and their valiant resistance with all their might," said Hazem Qassem, a spokesman for the movement.

The movement, however, may be wary of getting involved in another round of fighting. Gaza was hard hit in last year’s war, and the territory is still struggling to repair the damage. In addition, some 12,000 Gazan laborers are now permitted to work inside Israel as part of efforts to maintain calm between the enemies. Renewed fighting could risk losing those jobs, which have given a small boost to Gaza’s devastated economy.



Could Sudan’s Conflict Become a Regional War?

Members of the Sudanese army take part in a military parade in Gedaref in August. (AFP)
Members of the Sudanese army take part in a military parade in Gedaref in August. (AFP)
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Could Sudan’s Conflict Become a Regional War?

Members of the Sudanese army take part in a military parade in Gedaref in August. (AFP)
Members of the Sudanese army take part in a military parade in Gedaref in August. (AFP)

Fears that Sudan’s war could turn into a regional conflict are no longer merely assessments raised by observers following cross-border strikes and mutual accusations between Sudan and Chad, alongside troubling military movements near the border with Ethiopia.

Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs, conveyed those concerns to the UN Security Council, warning that the repercussions could fuel the conflict and threaten to draw neighboring countries more deeply into the war.

The US warnings do not appear to have emerged in a vacuum. They are difficult to separate from Washington’s extensive intelligence capabilities, which allow it to monitor military movements, weapons and drone routes, and cross-border networks.

Raising the level of concern to the Security Council therefore reflects a US assessment that the risks are real and growing, even if the administration has not publicly disclosed all the information on which that assessment is based.

The warning was reinforced by a call Boulos held with Chadian President Mahamat Idriss Deby following reports of a military strike inside Chadian territory.

Boulos said the two expressed “deep concern about the war in Sudan spilling across its borders, fueling further escalation and threatening regional peace and stability,” while calling for an end to external support for the warring parties.

More than three years after the war began, it is no longer simply an internal confrontation between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces. As fighting has moved into areas bordering Chad and Ethiopia and the use of sophisticated weapons has expanded, Sudan has become the center of a conflict in which the calculations of neighboring countries intersect with the interests of regional and international powers.

Growing internationalization

Evidence of the war’s internationalization can be seen in the UN Fact-Finding Mission’s finding that weapons, military technology, fighters and external supply networks are helping prolong the conflict and strengthen the capabilities of both sides.

The mission described a cross-border network linked to individuals, entities and countries that it said had provided the RSF with weapons, equipment, logistical support and foreign personnel. The countries concerned have denied the accusations, saying they remain neutral and support peace efforts.

The mission, meanwhile, said its investigations into sources of external support for the army were still at a preliminary stage.

Sudanese researcher Kholood Khair, director of Confluence Advisory, told the Financial Times in April that the war had “spread across the Red Sea, the Horn of Africa and the Sahel,” and that none of Sudan’s seven neighbors was entirely removed from its effects.

Alan Boswell, director of the Horn of Africa project at the International Crisis Group, has similarly argued that the war is dividing the region and increasing polarization among surrounding countries over the two sides.

He considers Chad and South Sudan the most exposed to its repercussions, while also pointing to the need to watch Ethiopia and tensions in Somalia.

A prolonged conflict, he has warned, could drag the region into a “spiral of violence.”

Amin Ismail Majzoub, an expert on crisis management and negotiation at the Center for Research and Strategic Studies, ruled out the conflict developing into a direct military confrontation between Sudan and neighboring countries.

He said the more likely scenario was an escalation of “proxy warfare,” through continued financial and military support and the use of mercenaries and armed groups, which would prolong the war.

Majzoub told Asharq Al-Awsat that Khartoum’s accusations against Chad and Ethiopia were, according to Sudanese authorities, based on evidence submitted to the African Union, IGAD and the Security Council, in addition to reports that bases and airports had been used in support of the RSF.

He added that if those parties moved from indirect support to declared military intervention, Sudan’s regional allies could step in to back it, at which point the conflict could expand to include the Horn of Africa and sub-Saharan Africa.

Majzoub nevertheless dismissed that scenario, saying: “This will not happen,” because a comprehensive regional war would not be welcomed by the countries of the region.

At the same time, he noted that the conflict’s repercussions were already becoming visible inside neighboring countries, citing increasingly vocal opposition groups in Chad that reject what they say is support being provided to Arab groups aligned with the RSF.

Retired Sudanese army Maj. Gen. Kamal Ismail, for his part, warned that the intersection of regional interests was gradually pushing the conflict beyond Sudan’s borders.

“We have repeatedly warned that the conflict could move from inside Sudan into the region, and the indicators point to that direction,” Ismail told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He added that the widening scope of the fighting could lead to a broader civil war and further complicate the situation.

Ismail said intensifying competition over regional interests could push some actors toward direct intervention under the pretext of protecting their interests, warning that “the longer the war continues, the more its parties lose the ability to control its course or stop it.”

He urged Sudanese to unite to halt the fighting and preserve what remains of the country.

Ethiopia and Chad

The movement of military operations into Blue Nile state near the Ethiopian border is among the most worrying developments.

Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab has published reports based on satellite imagery and open-source analysis pointing to the assembly of brigade-size military support inside an Ethiopian National Defense Force base in Asosa and linking it to RSF activity.

Asosa is significant because of its proximity to Blue Nile and the town of Kurmuk. Any military presence in the area connected to the war, if confirmed, could therefore lay the groundwork for a new border front.

To the west, Chad stands at the center of the storm because of its long border with Darfur and the tribal ties spanning both sides.

Tensions escalated after Sovereignty Council Chairman and army commander Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan accused N’Djamena of facilitating support to the RSF, while Chad denies that its territory or airports are being used to transfer weapons.

Cameron Hudson, a former US official and Sudan expert, says the repercussions of strikes inside Chad are no longer confined to the battlefield but have developed into a diplomatic confrontation.

Countries affected by the war

South Sudan may be the country most exposed to the consequences of the war. Its economy depends on exporting oil through Sudanese facilities and ports, while it has received more than 1 million Sudanese and returning South Sudanese since the fighting began.

A halt in oil exports or the spread of fighting to the border could threaten Juba’s fragile stability.

Kenya, although it does not share a border with Sudan, is exposed to the spillover of political polarization, financing and fighter networks, as well as trade disruption and damage to the role of IGAD, of which Nairobi is a key pillar.

Uganda faces similar risks through South Sudan. Any renewed eruption of instability in Juba could trigger a new refugee influx into Uganda, which already hosts more than 1 million South Sudanese refugees. In this way, the effects of the war could spread from Sudan to South Sudan and then to Uganda and Kenya without regular armies ever crossing borders.

Egypt, for its part, faces repercussions related to refugees, security along its southern border, Nile waters and the balance with Ethiopia. Eritrea fears instability spreading into eastern Sudan and the Red Sea coast.

IGAD Executive Secretary Workneh Gebeyehu has said that peace and security challenges have become too interconnected for any single country or institution to confront alone, describing Sudan as one of the clearest examples of the convergence of military confrontation, humanitarian catastrophe, institutional fragmentation, regional spillover and geopolitical rivalry.

Sudan’s war has not yet become a full-fledged regional confrontation, but it long ago moved beyond the confines of an internal conflict. As the different strands become increasingly intertwined, the question in the future may no longer be: Will the war spread into the region? But rather has it already begun?


Abdi: Dissolution of SDF Marks New Beginning, Kurds Must Help Draft Syria’s New Constitution

This photo taken on August 25, 2026 shows Syrian presidential adviser Mustafa “Mazloum” Abdi speaking during a televised speech at the People's Palace in Damascus. (AFP)
This photo taken on August 25, 2026 shows Syrian presidential adviser Mustafa “Mazloum” Abdi speaking during a televised speech at the People's Palace in Damascus. (AFP)
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Abdi: Dissolution of SDF Marks New Beginning, Kurds Must Help Draft Syria’s New Constitution

This photo taken on August 25, 2026 shows Syrian presidential adviser Mustafa “Mazloum” Abdi speaking during a televised speech at the People's Palace in Damascus. (AFP)
This photo taken on August 25, 2026 shows Syrian presidential adviser Mustafa “Mazloum” Abdi speaking during a televised speech at the People's Palace in Damascus. (AFP)

New Syrian presidential adviser Mustafa “Mazloum” Abdi described the dissolution of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) after 15 years of armed activity as “an end and a beginning at the same time.”

“Today, for the first time, Kurds have an opportunity to participate, of their own free will, in building the new Syrian state, after the Baath regime pursued policies that denied Kurdish identity,” he stated.

In his first interview with a Turkish media outlet, the former SDF commander said the main objectives of Syria’s Kurds were “not to establish an entity separate from the state, but to become one of the constituent elements of the new state with their own identity, and to expand the gains that have been achieved through constitutional guarantees.”

He also stressed the need for Kurds to take part in the process of drafting a new Syrian constitution.

No deadline has been set for the completion of the process and a committee for drafting it should be formed in two to three months. “We want Kurds to be part of the committee,” he added.

Dissolution of the SDF

Abdi, who is on Türkiye’s terrorism list, told Ilke TV in an interview broadcast Thursday night that Kurds “experienced a particular situation in the region. They lived as a state, and political developments required that, but some changes have taken place recently.”

“The Syrian regime has changed, and a new Syria is being built. The international community wants the current Syrian administration to succeed, and the entire world supports Syria’s unity,” he remarked.

In written responses to questions from the Turkish newspaper Yeni Yasam published Friday, he noted that Kurds could have achieved more through the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria over the past 15 years, but had not done so.

He added that “the SDF joined the Syrian army with all its resources, under an agreement and a plan. We decided to take our place within this structure, and it has a role within the Syrian army.”

Asked about recognition of Kurdish as a mother tongue, Abdi replied that “we are now at a more advanced stage. For the first time, the Kurdish language has been introduced in schools, and this is a major achievement” for the Kurdish people.

New system of government

“Syria also wants to open up to the international community and comply with international law. Therefore, there is greater scope for establishing a democratic and secular state in the new era,” Abdi added.

He stressed “the need to resolve the problems of all segments of Syrian society,” noting that “the problem of democratic governance remains, and we will work hard to resolve it through political action.”

“The main task facing the Syrian state is to ensure a strong presence within the state for Druze, Alawites, Kurds and all other groups, and efforts are underway to achieve that,” he said.

Asked about his role as an adviser to Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, he explained: “Frankly, the reason we agreed to be present in Damascus during this process is to ensure its success, achieve integration and ensure that Kurds obtain the strongest possible position within the state. That is our main objective.”

“However, our demand is for broader inclusivity. We want to play a positive and constructive role throughout Syria, not only in Kurdish areas,” he went on to say.

On the process underway in Türkiye to dissolve the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), disarm it and integrate its members into society, he said the process between PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan and Ankara “could contribute to resolving the Kurdish issue in Syria.”

He also expressed openness to developing relations with Türkiye moving forward.

Asked about reports that he could visit Türkiye to meet Ocalan, he gave no clear answer, remarking only: “That would be good.”


Houthi Attack on Western Yemen Tests Readiness of Govt Forces

Government forces are waging fierce battles against the Houthis in Taiz. (Military media)
Government forces are waging fierce battles against the Houthis in Taiz. (Military media)
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Houthi Attack on Western Yemen Tests Readiness of Govt Forces

Government forces are waging fierce battles against the Houthis in Taiz. (Military media)
Government forces are waging fierce battles against the Houthis in Taiz. (Military media)

The Iran-backed Houthi attack on western Yemen appears to be aimed at not only achieving gains on the ground, but pressuring the government forces to stretch out their troops on various fronts from Taiz to southern Hodeidah, while keeping marine passageways on the west coast under threat.

The Houthis carried out attacks on government forces in al-Barh, al-Kadha, Maqbanah, al-Ahtoub and Ghabari mountain in one of the fiercest assaults in years.

The attacks allow the Houthis to apply pressure on Taiz city on the west and cut supply routes between it and al-Mokha port.

Government forces on Friday recaptured a strategic position in western Taiz after fierce fighting with the Houthis.

Official military sources said clashes continued on the Maqbanah and al-Kadha fronts as government forces repelled Houthi advances. Government reinforcements have arrived in the area as the Houthis continued to dig in their positions in western Taiz.

Also on Friday, the Houthi launched a ballistic missile at a restaurant in western Taiz, causing fatalities and injuries among civilians. The restaurant and nearby property were heavily damaged.

AFP reported on Friday that over 120 people have been killed in the fighting since Thursday. No official or Houthi death tolls have been released.

The Houthis are focusing their attacks on western Taiz because it connects the city to the coast. Capturing al-Kadha and Maqbanah brings the militants closer to vital supply routes between Taiz and al-Mokha.

Moreover, capturing the areas brings them closer to the west coast and Red Sea waterways. The Houthis have no direct control over the regions overlooking the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, but they do hold Hodeidah city north of al-Mokha.

They had previously launched attacks against vessels transiting the Red Sea.

The legitimate Yemeni government had warned in August of Houthi plans to seize the Bab al-Mandeb coast, which it tied to the regional escalation and the war on Iran.

On the political level, Chairman of the Presidential Leadership Council Dr. Rashad al-Alimi held talks with several military commanders, including PLC member Tariq Saleh, to review the latest developments in Taiz and Hodeidah.

He stressed that the armed forces are capable of handling any escalation and thwarting the Houthi plots, said official sources.

He hailed the level of readiness and morale of the armed forces, adding that the Houthi attacks will not alter the equation on the ground and they will not be allowed to make any advances.

The attacks go beyond defending ground positions, but are tied to restoring state institutions and protecting civilians, waterways and vital facilities, he stressed.

The government will firmly respond to the escalation, while ensuring that the fighting does not spread so as to protect civilian lives, al-Alimi said.