Kozo Okamoto Returns to the Spotlight on 'Mariam' Day

Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
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Kozo Okamoto Returns to the Spotlight on 'Mariam' Day

Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)

The septuagenarian moves slowly at a symbolic grave at the "Palestinian martyrs" cemetery in Beirut.

He rises up from his wheelchair to place a wreath of flowers on a symbolic grave that holds some bones and belongings of "Salah al-Yabani" (Japanese Salah), the symbol of the Lod airport operation.

Ahmed al-Yabani (Japanese Ahmed), or Kozo Okamoto, and members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine were celebrating on Monday the 50th anniversary of the operation.

Days earlier, Japanese authorities released leader of the Japanese Red Army, Fusako Shigenobu, also known as Mariam.

She co-founded the group that Kozo and his colleagues joined and later carried out the failed hostage-taking at Israel's Lod airport in 1972.

Kozo, who is regarded as a hero by Palestinians and a terrorist by Japan, marks the occasion almost every year. Tokyo has since 1997 been demanding that Lebanon deport him. Beirut has granted political asylum, the first and last time it has done so for anyone.

Lebanese authorities have turned over four of his comrades to Japan and left him alone in the country to review his "history of struggle".

Kozo, 74, is unknown to the new Lebanese generation. This was evident by how the number of Japanese journalists outnumbered the Lebanese ones at Monday's event.

They clamored for an exclusive photo of Kozo and a statement. All they got was a "hello". They are aware that they are barred from attempting to speak to him in Japanese, his guards made sure of that.

The PFLP is adamant that Kozo is a "political asylum seeker" and that he cannot make statements.

It fears, however, that he would be lured into making a statement that he wishes to return to his home.

A PFLP official told Asharq Al-Awsat that if he desires to go home, then Japan will demand that Lebanon deport him.

The PFLP also worries that he may make a statement that may imply that he is in contact with Fusako.

The official said Kozo was "physically and mentally ill. He will not be able to tolerate a lot of pressure, which is why he should be protected as much as possible."

"He is isolated and a man of few words, spoken in Arabic or English, and he prays in Japanese," he added.

The official was among others who welcomed Kozo in Lebanon during a prisoner swap between the Israelis and Palestinians in 1985.

He recalled how Kozo literally acted like a dog when he was released, barking and eating with his hands, due to the torture inflicted upon him in Israel where he was kept caged like a dog.

One Israeli jailer offered to give him a gun so he could end his life and become a "third star". The Japanese Red Army believes that their martyrs become stars.

The other two stars were his colleagues who died during the Lod operation. One was killed fighting the Israelis and another blew himself up. Kozo also sought to blow himself up, but his explosive malfunctioned and he was detained.

Kozo agreed to take the gun from the jailer, but was furious when he found out that it was not loaded.

Upon his release, Kozo was paranoid and preferred to remain isolated. He even slapped Ahmed Jibril, the late leader of the PFLP, during their first meeting. He later came to his senses and burst into tears.

Since his return to Lebanon, he sought to lead a normal life with varying success. He resides in the eastern Bekaa region and is guarded by members of the PFLP.

He often travels to Beirut and visits its renowned Hamra Street that has a special place in his heart.

The Palestinian official said he has been by Kozo's side for years.

Occasionally, he is approached by someone who recognizes him and he is warmly greeted, leaving Kozo with a smile on his face.



Amr Moussa to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Initially Treated Me as an American Spy, Then Things Changed

Hosni Mubarak was able to manage the difficult relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi. (AFP)
Hosni Mubarak was able to manage the difficult relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi. (AFP)
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Amr Moussa to Asharq Al-Awsat: Gaddafi Initially Treated Me as an American Spy, Then Things Changed

Hosni Mubarak was able to manage the difficult relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi. (AFP)
Hosni Mubarak was able to manage the difficult relationship with Moammar al-Gaddafi. (AFP)

In the third installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, former Egyptian Foreign Minister and ex-Secretary-General of the Arab League Amr Moussa discusses various experiences with Arab leaders, emphasizing the nuances of diplomacy in a turbulent region.

Moussa recalled that former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak “was neither bloodthirsty nor a pharaoh, nor did he try to be one.” He points to a famous remark by President Anwar Sadat, who once said: “Gamal (Abdel Nasser) and I are the last of the pharaohs.”

The Gaddafi encounter

Reflecting on his complex interactions with Libyan leader Moammar al-Gaddafi, Moussa admitted that the beginning was anything but smooth. “When I first met Gaddafi, he treated me as if I were an American spy. He wouldn’t look at me directly, only speaking while facing another direction. It was very theatrical,” Moussa said. He recalled this behavior with a certain amusement, treating it almost like a game: “I would wager with myself before our meetings—will he speak to me directly this time, or not?”

Initially, rumors had reached Gaddafi that Moussa had been sent with a US agenda, though he had actually been Egypt’s ambassador to the UN in New York, not Washington. “But once he observed how I performed in my role, he began to change his mind. Eventually, he would ask President Mubarak if I could join their private discussions.”

Moussa recalled a specific instance in Tobruk, where he was invited by Gaddafi to sit at a table with him and Mubarak to discuss a matter of importance. He knew this would stir unease among others present, but the conversation went ahead regardless. This type of scene, he noted, happened several times.

Hosni Mubarak, Moammar al-Gaddafi and Amr Moussa at the Arab summit in Sirte in 2010. (AFP)

Diplomatic drama in a tent

When Gaddafi visited Cairo during Moussa’s tenure as foreign minister, the Libyan leader insisted on setting up his trademark tent in the gardens of the Qubba Palace. Though the palace was fully equipped, Gaddafi would receive guests only in the tent. “At that time, he still saw me as a US spy,” Moussa said, “so he avoided looking at me during our meeting. He inspected every corner of the tent—except the one where I was sitting.”

Despite Gaddafi’s sometimes abrasive behavior, Moussa conceded that the Libyan leader was intelligent and unique. “He was eccentric, yes, but he had a cleverness about him. His actions often carried a deeper rationale, even if misguided.”

Gaddafi’s erratic rule extended to his own ministers. Moussa noted how even highly regarded officials like Abdul Rahman Shalgham and Ali Treki were subject to his whims. “If Gaddafi was displeased with something, he might simply tell you to stay home—and that could mean house arrest for years. Yet, your salary would still arrive at your door.”

A moment of humor

One incident stood out. Libya was scheduled to host the Arab summit and had failed to pay its dues to the Arab League, and as Secretary-General, Moussa received an envoy from Gaddafi carrying a list of demands. Moussa didn’t even read the letter; he simply locked it in a drawer. “When the envoy asked what to report back, I told him exactly that,” Moussa laughed.

Soon after, Gaddafi summoned him to Sirte. As Moussa waited in the tent, Gaddafi’s secretary, Bashir Saleh, walked by singing an old Arabic poem: “You seem tearless, and patience is your nature.” Moussa quipped: “Tell the leader he’s not tearless—he’s payment-less!” Saleh shared the joke with Gaddafi, who burst into laughter and finally paid Libya’s dues.

Later, during an Arab summit in Libya, Gaddafi displayed a surprising sense of responsibility. Moussa recalled a heated moment when Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh demanded immediate action on forming a pan-Arab army. Gaddafi gently interrupted: “Take it easy, Ali.” That phrase—“Take it easy, Ali”—spoke volumes, according to Moussa. “It revealed Gaddafi’s desire to manage tension even among volatile leaders.”

On Hosni Mubarak and the ‘pharaoh’ myth

Asked if Mubarak ever resembled the authoritarian archetype of a “pharaoh” as Russians view their “czars,” Moussa was firm: “No, not Mubarak. Maybe Sadat had some traits—he liked symbolism. But Mubarak? He wasn’t violent, nor bloodthirsty. Yes, he could be firm, but he didn’t revel in bloodshed.”

Moussa clarified that while Mubarak might have approved harsh punishments as president, it never escalated to a murderous level. “Perhaps there were isolated incidents, especially within the prison system, but it wasn’t part of Mubarak’s character to govern through violence. He wasn’t built that way.”

Saddam Hussein meets with Amr Moussa in Iraq in January 2002. (AFP)

The song that stirred controversy

When the Egyptian folk singer Shaaban Abdel Rahim sang “I hate Israel, and I love Amr Moussa,” it caused a stir. Moussa downplayed the drama. “I don’t think Mubarak himself was offended. He was the president; no foreign minister would rival him in popularity. But some people in the surrounding circles—not necessarily his inner circle—were irked.”

Eventually, another version of the song emerged, replacing Moussa’s name with Mubarak’s. “But it was the original that made waves. Even a diplomat from Latin America once told me, ‘We’re dancing to this song here!’”

A difficult meeting with Saddam Hussein

One of the most tense encounters Moussa ever had was with Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. After being elected Secretary-General of the Arab League in 2001, Moussa set out to visit all Arab leaders. He deliberately left Saddam until the end, knowing the sensitivities involved.

In January 2002, Moussa visited Saddam at a small palace. He carried a message from UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan regarding weapons inspections. “I told Saddam that Annan was open to negotiations, and that continued confrontation with the US would lead nowhere. At some point, no one would stand by him.”

Moussa asked Saddam directly: “Do you possess nuclear weapons?” Saddam answered, “No.” Moussa pressed him again: “Are you absolutely sure?” Saddam repeated, “No.” This made Moussa’s deputy, Ahmed Ben Helli, visibly nervous. “He probably thought we weren’t going to walk out of there.”

Moussa then asked why Iraq objected to the UN inspectors. Saddam responded: “These people don’t just inspect nuclear sites. They ask civilians about food supplies, their opinions on the government. What business is that of theirs?”

Moussa promised to report this to Annan, which he did. Negotiations resumed between Iraq and the UN, but history took its course and the US-led invasion followed.

Asked if he felt fortunate never to have served directly under a figure like Gaddafi, Moussa answered without hesitation: “Absolutely. I saw how respected men like Shalgham and Treki were sidelined. You could be a top official one day and under house arrest the next.”