Kozo Okamoto Returns to the Spotlight on 'Mariam' Day

Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
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Kozo Okamoto Returns to the Spotlight on 'Mariam' Day

Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)
Kozo Okamoto (C), a former Japanese Red Army group member, arrives to attend a ceremony organized by Palestinians living in Lebanon to mark the 50th anniversary of the Lod airport attack, at the cemetery in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon, 30 May 2022. (EPA)

The septuagenarian moves slowly at a symbolic grave at the "Palestinian martyrs" cemetery in Beirut.

He rises up from his wheelchair to place a wreath of flowers on a symbolic grave that holds some bones and belongings of "Salah al-Yabani" (Japanese Salah), the symbol of the Lod airport operation.

Ahmed al-Yabani (Japanese Ahmed), or Kozo Okamoto, and members of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine were celebrating on Monday the 50th anniversary of the operation.

Days earlier, Japanese authorities released leader of the Japanese Red Army, Fusako Shigenobu, also known as Mariam.

She co-founded the group that Kozo and his colleagues joined and later carried out the failed hostage-taking at Israel's Lod airport in 1972.

Kozo, who is regarded as a hero by Palestinians and a terrorist by Japan, marks the occasion almost every year. Tokyo has since 1997 been demanding that Lebanon deport him. Beirut has granted political asylum, the first and last time it has done so for anyone.

Lebanese authorities have turned over four of his comrades to Japan and left him alone in the country to review his "history of struggle".

Kozo, 74, is unknown to the new Lebanese generation. This was evident by how the number of Japanese journalists outnumbered the Lebanese ones at Monday's event.

They clamored for an exclusive photo of Kozo and a statement. All they got was a "hello". They are aware that they are barred from attempting to speak to him in Japanese, his guards made sure of that.

The PFLP is adamant that Kozo is a "political asylum seeker" and that he cannot make statements.

It fears, however, that he would be lured into making a statement that he wishes to return to his home.

A PFLP official told Asharq Al-Awsat that if he desires to go home, then Japan will demand that Lebanon deport him.

The PFLP also worries that he may make a statement that may imply that he is in contact with Fusako.

The official said Kozo was "physically and mentally ill. He will not be able to tolerate a lot of pressure, which is why he should be protected as much as possible."

"He is isolated and a man of few words, spoken in Arabic or English, and he prays in Japanese," he added.

The official was among others who welcomed Kozo in Lebanon during a prisoner swap between the Israelis and Palestinians in 1985.

He recalled how Kozo literally acted like a dog when he was released, barking and eating with his hands, due to the torture inflicted upon him in Israel where he was kept caged like a dog.

One Israeli jailer offered to give him a gun so he could end his life and become a "third star". The Japanese Red Army believes that their martyrs become stars.

The other two stars were his colleagues who died during the Lod operation. One was killed fighting the Israelis and another blew himself up. Kozo also sought to blow himself up, but his explosive malfunctioned and he was detained.

Kozo agreed to take the gun from the jailer, but was furious when he found out that it was not loaded.

Upon his release, Kozo was paranoid and preferred to remain isolated. He even slapped Ahmed Jibril, the late leader of the PFLP, during their first meeting. He later came to his senses and burst into tears.

Since his return to Lebanon, he sought to lead a normal life with varying success. He resides in the eastern Bekaa region and is guarded by members of the PFLP.

He often travels to Beirut and visits its renowned Hamra Street that has a special place in his heart.

The Palestinian official said he has been by Kozo's side for years.

Occasionally, he is approached by someone who recognizes him and he is warmly greeted, leaving Kozo with a smile on his face.



Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
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Trump Carves Up World and International Order with It

Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP
Analysts say talks to end the war in Ukraine 'could resemble a new Yalta'. TASS/AFP

By casting doubt on the world order, Donald Trump risks dragging the globe back into an era where great powers impose their imperial will on the weak, analysts warn.
Russia wants Ukraine, China demands Taiwan and now the US president seems to be following suit, whether by coveting Canada as the "51st US state", insisting "we've got to have" Greenland or kicking Chinese interests out of the Panama Canal.
Where the United States once defended state sovereignty and international law, Trump's disregard for his neighbors' borders and expansionist ambitions mark a return to the days when the world was carved up into spheres of influence.
As recently as Wednesday, US defense secretary Pete Hegseth floated the idea of an American military base to secure the Panama Canal, a strategic waterway controlled by the United States until 1999 which Trump's administration has vowed to "take back".
Hegseth's comments came nearly 35 years after the United States invaded to topple Panama's dictator Manuel Noriega, harking back to when successive US administrations viewed Latin America as "America's backyard".
"The Trump 2.0 administration is largely accepting the familiar great power claim to 'spheres of influence'," Professor Gregory O. Hall, of the University of Kentucky, told AFP.
Indian diplomat Jawed Ashraf warned that by "speaking openly about Greenland, Canada, Panama Canal", "the new administration may have accelerated the slide" towards a return to great power domination.
The empire strikes back
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has posed as the custodian of an international order "based on the ideas of countries' equal sovereignty and territorial integrity", said American researcher Jeffrey Mankoff, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
But those principles run counter to how Russia and China see their own interests, according to the author of "Empires of Eurasia: how imperial legacies shape international security".
Both countries are "themselves products of empires and continue to function in many ways like empires", seeking to throw their weight around for reasons of prestige, power or protection, Mankoff said.
That is not to say that spheres of influence disappeared with the fall of the Soviet Union.
"Even then, the US and Western allies sought to expand their sphere of influence eastward into what was the erstwhile Soviet and then the Russian sphere of influence," Ashraf, a former adviser to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, pointed out.
But until the return of Trump, the United States exploited its position as the "policeman of the world" to ward off imperial ambitions while pushing its own interests.
Now that Trump appears to view the cost of upholding a rules-based order challenged by its rivals and increasingly criticized in the rest of the world as too expensive, the United States is contributing to the cracks in the facade with Russia and China's help.
And as the international order weakens, the great powers "see opportunities to once again behave in an imperial way", said Mankoff.
Yalta yet again
As at Yalta in 1945, when the United States and the Soviet Union divided the post-World War II world between their respective zones of influence, Washington, Beijing and Moscow could again agree to carve up the globe anew.
"Improved ties between the United States and its great-power rivals, Russia and China, appear to be imminent," Derek Grossman, of the United States' RAND Corporation think tank, said in March.
But the haggling over who gets dominance over what and where would likely come at the expense of other countries.
"Today's major powers are seeking to negotiate a new global order primarily with each other," Monica Toft, professor of international relations at Tufts University in Massachusets wrote in the journal Foreign Affairs.
"In a scenario in which the United States, China, and Russia all agree that they have a vital interest in avoiding a nuclear war, acknowledging each other's spheres of influence can serve as a mechanism to deter escalation," Toft said.
If that were the case, "negotiations to end the war in Ukraine could resemble a new Yalta", she added.
Yet the thought of a Ukraine deemed by Trump to be in Russia's sphere is likely to send shivers down the spines of many in Europe -- not least in Ukraine itself.
"The success or failure of Ukraine to defend its sovereignty is going to have a lot of impact in terms of what the global system ends up looking like a generation from now," Mankoff said.
"So it's important for countries that have the ability and want to uphold an anti-imperial version of international order to assist Ukraine," he added -- pointing the finger at Europe.
"In Trump's world, Europeans need their own sphere of influence," said Rym Momtaz, a researcher at the Carnegie Endowment for Peace.
"For former imperial powers, Europeans seem strangely on the backfoot as nineteenth century spheres of influence come back as the organising principle of global affairs."