Israeli Nationalists Wage Battle against Palestinian Flag

A Palestinian flag is removed from a building by Israeli authorities after being put up by an advocacy group that promotes coexistence between Palestinians and Israelis, in Ramat Gan, Israel, Wednesday, June 1, 2022. (AP)
A Palestinian flag is removed from a building by Israeli authorities after being put up by an advocacy group that promotes coexistence between Palestinians and Israelis, in Ramat Gan, Israel, Wednesday, June 1, 2022. (AP)
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Israeli Nationalists Wage Battle against Palestinian Flag

A Palestinian flag is removed from a building by Israeli authorities after being put up by an advocacy group that promotes coexistence between Palestinians and Israelis, in Ramat Gan, Israel, Wednesday, June 1, 2022. (AP)
A Palestinian flag is removed from a building by Israeli authorities after being put up by an advocacy group that promotes coexistence between Palestinians and Israelis, in Ramat Gan, Israel, Wednesday, June 1, 2022. (AP)

It’s not a bomb or a gun or a rocket. The latest threat identified by Israel is the Palestinian flag.

Recent weeks have seen a furor by nationalists over the waving of the red, white, green and black flag by Palestinians in Israel and in Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem.

Yet the fracas over the flag tells a broader story about how much hopes for peace with the Palestinians have diminished and about the stature of the fifth of Israelis who are Palestinian. They for long have been viewed as a fifth column because of their solidarity with the Palestinian cause.

Palestinian citizens of Israel see the campaign against the flag as another affront to their national identity and their rights as a minority in the majority Jewish state.

"The Palestinian flag reminds Israelis that there is another nation here and some people don’t want to see another nation here," said Jafar Farah, who heads Mossawa, an advocacy group promoting greater rights for Palestinian citizens of Israel.

In recent weeks, Israeli authorities have gone out of their way to challenge the hoisting of the Palestinian flag. Police at a funeral in east Jerusalem last month for the well-known Palestinian-American Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh snatched Palestinian flags from mourners, reportedly following an order from a district police chief to make sure the Palestinian colors don’t fly at the politically-charged event.

Two Israeli universities were slammed by nationalists for allowing Palestinian flags to be waved at campus events. Israel Katz, a senior opposition lawmaker, urged flag-waving Palestinian-Israeli students to remember the war leading to Israel's establishment in 1948, saying Jews "know how to protect themselves and the concept of the Jewish state."

A group promoting coexistence between Palestinians and Israelis raised the Palestinian flag alongside the Israeli one on a high-rise outside Tel Aviv, only to have authorities remove the Palestinian flag hours later.

Those events culminated in a push by opposition legislators to ban the waving of the Palestinian flag at institutions that receive state funding, which would include universities and hospitals, among others. The bill passed overwhelmingly in its first reading on Wednesday, 63-16, although several parties in the governing coalition were absent and the coalition may seek to block the bill from moving forward.

"In the state of Israel there is room for one flag: the Israeli flag, this flag," Eli Cohen, the legislator who sponsored the bill, said from the dais of Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, as he pointed to an Israeli flag hung behind him. "This is the only flag there will be here," he said to applause from some legislators.

According to Adalah, a legal rights group for Palestinian Israelis, waving the flag is not a crime under Israeli law. A police ordinance grants officers the right to confiscate a flag if "it results in disruption of public order or breach of peace."

Israel’s Palestinian citizens make up 20% of the population and they’ve had a turbulent relationship with the state since its creation in 1948, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fled or were forced to flee in the events surrounding the establishment of the state.

Those who remained became citizens, but have long been viewed with suspicion by some Israelis because of their ties to Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and east Jerusalem, territories Israel captured in the 1967 Mideast war. That sense deepened last year when mob violence erupted in mixed Jewish-Arab cities, with looting and attacks scarring residents on both sides.

Palestinian citizens have carved a life for themselves in Israeli society, reaching the highest echelons in various spheres, including health, education and public service. An Arab Islamist party for the first time in history is now a member of a governing coalition. But Palestinians in Israel are generally poorer and less educated than Jewish Israelis and they have long suffered discrimination in housing, government funding and public works.

While there have been efforts in recent governments to address that socio-economic gap, the nationalist rights of Palestinians have been slowly eroded over the years, especially as Israeli nationalist sentiment has grown.

"It is our right to raise our Palestinian flag," said Alin Nasra, an activist and student at Tel Aviv University. "This is something that distinguishes us as a minority inside Israel."

Yitzhak Reiter, president of the Middle East and Islamic Studies Association of Israel, said the uproar against the flag is part of a feeling by nationalists and some mainstream Israelis that they are "losing the state," to Palestinian nationalism from within Israel's borders.

He cited previous laws that bar municipalities or institutions from marking Israel’s Independence Day as a day of mourning or the Jewish state law that tried to strengthen Israel’s character as a Jewish state but which Palestinian citizens saw as a further downgrade of their status and a blow to their national identity. Israel’s national symbols - a biblical candelabra, the star of David on its flag - do not include Palestinian or Arab emblems and Israel's anthem speaks of the yearning of the Jewish soul.

The flag, Reiter said, "symbolizes the enemy, but waving the flag, for those who oppose it, is harmful to Israeli sovereignty."

Israel once considered the Palestinian flag that of a militant group, no different than the Palestinian Hamas or Hezbollah party in Lebanon. But after Israel and the Palestinians signed a series of interim peace agreements known as the Oslo Accords, the flag was recognized as that of the Palestinian Authority.

The left-leaning daily Haaretz chided the bill against the flag, saying Israel had an "obsession" with it because it reminds the country of "the sin of the occupation" of lands the Palestinians want for a future state.

With peace talks a distant memory and the occupation dragging on, the battle over the flag shows how far from reality Palestinian statehood is, with the nationalist narrative in Israel increasingly going mainstream.

Ronni Shaked, of Jerusalem's Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, said he remembers a time when politicians wore lapel pins that bore both the Israeli and Palestinian flags and that even hawkish former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the current head of the opposition and Israel’s longest serving leader, had a Palestinian flag hanging behind him during events with the Palestinian leadership when relations between the sides were less frosty.

"If we are afraid from the Palestinian flag," he said, "it means that we are afraid to make any kind of peace with the Palestinians."



UNRWA Employee Shares with Asharq Al-Awsat Experience of Investigation

UNRWA center targeted by Israeli shelling in northern Gaza (DPA)
UNRWA center targeted by Israeli shelling in northern Gaza (DPA)
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UNRWA Employee Shares with Asharq Al-Awsat Experience of Investigation

UNRWA center targeted by Israeli shelling in northern Gaza (DPA)
UNRWA center targeted by Israeli shelling in northern Gaza (DPA)

Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has stepped up its investigations into employees suspected of links to Hamas over the past two months.

This move comes in response to a heightened Israeli campaign against UNRWA, which includes claims of its ties to Hamas.

To counter these accusations, the agency is taking steps to provide evidence that refutes them.

These actions are part of UNRWA’s efforts to protect its humanitarian mission, which has faced increasing challenges amid rising tensions in the region.

In recent years, UNRWA has been targeted by an expanding Israeli campaign, especially following the Oct. 7, 2023, attacks.

The accusations include allegations that its staff were involved in the attacks and helped protect Israeli captives. In response, the Israeli Knesset has sought to ban UNRWA’s operations and cut all ties with the agency.

UNRWA Investigates Employees Amid Israeli Allegations

UNRWA is investigating employees linked to the Oct. 7 attacks, based on names provided in Israeli reports to international agencies.

Sources confirmed that UNRWA has broadened its inquiries to include additional staff suspected of ties to Hamas, relying on connections to those already named by Israel.

One employee, questioned due to his inclusion in these Israeli lists, stated that no evidence linked him to the attack or to Hamas, leading to no action against them.

Speaking anonymously to Asharq Al-Awsat, the employee said the investigations focused on whether staff participated in the attacks or were involved in Hamas-related activities, including hiding Israeli captives.

They noted that the questioning involved both foreign and Palestinian officials and was very detailed, asking about participation in Hamas meetings. Of the 16 employees they knew who were investigated, only three faced genuine accusations.

UNRWA has rejected Israel’s claims, stating it will conduct its own investigation.

Spokesperson Adnan Abu Hasna emphasized that Israel has not provided evidence for its allegations against UNRWA employees over the past 15 years, despite UNRWA submitting annual lists of staff members.

Meanwhile, Israel has continued its accusations, recently announcing the killing of Mohammed Abu Atiwi, identified as a commander responsible for the Oct. 7 attack on a festival in southern Israel. Before that, Israel targeted other UNRWA workers, claiming they were Hamas operatives while distributing aid.

Asharq Al-Awsat has learned that Abu Atiwi, recently named in Israeli reports, had left UNRWA years ago and has no current connection to the organization.

This also applies to several others mentioned in the Israeli lists submitted to the UN.

The news about Atiwi emerged just days before the Israeli Knesset passed a law banning UNRWA’s operations within Israel. Israel had already cut ties with UNRWA in Gaza prior to this decision.

Sources revealed that various international organizations have recently hired UNRWA employees to deliver humanitarian aid in Gaza. These organizations provided employee names to Israel before deployment due to ongoing Israeli claims that UNRWA employs Hamas activists to divert aid.

This measure aimed to prevent further Israeli attacks on UNRWA staff involved in aid distribution.

It is still uncertain how the Knesset’s decision will affect UNRWA. According to Israeli newspaper Haaretz, the law will mainly impact Palestinians in Jerusalem but will also affect operations in Gaza and the West Bank, blocking aid deliveries and halting funding for employee salaries and services for refugees in those areas. This comes as the region continues to face conflict for over a year.

The new Israeli law banning UNRWA has drawn widespread condemnation from Palestinian, Arab, and international organizations, including the US.

Philippe Lazzarini, UNRWA’s Commissioner-General, warned that dismantling the agency would have devastating effects on the humanitarian response in Gaza.