Syria Constitutional Talks Conclude 8th Session, Position on Army ‘Thwarts’ Discussions in Geneva

The text of the opposition delegation’s proposal on the constitution and international agreements and the text of the government delegation’s proposal on state institutions (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The text of the opposition delegation’s proposal on the constitution and international agreements and the text of the government delegation’s proposal on state institutions (Asharq Al-Awsat)
TT

Syria Constitutional Talks Conclude 8th Session, Position on Army ‘Thwarts’ Discussions in Geneva

The text of the opposition delegation’s proposal on the constitution and international agreements and the text of the government delegation’s proposal on state institutions (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The text of the opposition delegation’s proposal on the constitution and international agreements and the text of the government delegation’s proposal on state institutions (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Once again, the position regarding the Syrian state institutions, especially the army, thwarted the sessions of the Constitutional Committee in Geneva.

A dispute had erupted between the government delegation headed by Ahmed al-Kuzbari and the opposition negotiating body headed by Hadi al-Bahra over institutional reform.

In contrast to Damascus’ warnings about replicating Iraq’s disastrous attempt to restructure the army and voicing a total rejection of making the army neutral, the opposition delegation called for reform to avoid Syria becoming a failed state.

Moreover, the opposition called for an impartial role for the army during the power transfer.

Under UN sponsorship, the Constitutional Committee’s eighth session last week recorded a “tempo” improvement in addition to participants agreeing to some common points.

However, translating those common points into consensual texts that could serve as pillars of Syria’s constitution remains an obstacle. This, as promised in the closing session on Friday, requires UN envoy Geir Pedersen to take an additional shuttle tour between Syrian actors and external players before the Committee’s next session.

Under previous UN facilitative arrangements, the program of the eighth round included presenting a constitutional principle every day starting from Monday and leaving the last day for discussions and consensus.

The civil society delegation affiliated with Damascus presented a proposal for “unilateral coercive measures from a constitutional standpoint.”

For his part, Bahra presented a proposal for “the supremacy of the constitution and the hierarchy of international agreements,” while Kuzbari proposed the principle of “preserving and strengthening state institutions.”

The civil society delegation affiliated with the opposition discussed the issue of “transitional justice.”

A Western official summarized to Asharq Al-Awsat the discussions that took place during the five days of the Committee’s eighth round of talks:

Coercive Measures

Kuzbari received the proposal presented by the civil society delegation affiliated with Damascus. Their bid emphasized that “unilateral coercive measures imposed on the Syrian people constitute economic terrorism and infringes on the basic constitutional rights of the Syrian people.”

They also warned that unilateral coercive measures could limit “the security of its basic living requirements.”

It was suggested for the constitution to include “the state’s obligation to seek the lifting of unilateral coercive measures and to demand the countries that imposed sanctions to pay appropriate compensation.”

Additionally, the proposal called for opposing and rejecting sanctions as a national duty for every Syrian.

It emphasized that the right to development and the reconstruction of what was destroyed by terrorism and external aggression is a project for the Syrian people under the constitution.

The proposal added that refugees’ right to safe and voluntary return is humanitarian and may not be linked to any external political conditions.

When discussing the proposal, the government delegation focused on the incompatibility of coercive measures with international law and chose to link these measures to the “terrorist war on Syria.”

Meanwhile, the opposition delegation considered the proposal “unconstitutional” and stressed that reconstruction and development are economic rights and should not be restricted by unilateral coercive measures.”

Some of the attendees considered “everyone who encourages sanctions a traitor.”

A Warning against “Racialization”

The following day, Kuzbari presented a proposal on “state institutions” in a session chaired by Bahri.

His proposal ensured that “institutions are entitled to specific powers by the constitution and that undermining them or threatening them internally or externally is an act punishable by law.”

“The responsibility of the army is to protect the homeland against terrorism and occupation,” the proposal acknowledged, adding that “preserving and strengthening the army is a national duty.”

During discussions, the opposition members focused on “Syrian institutions needing a lot of reforms because they have lost their credibility due to human rights violations.”

Opposition attendees suggested that “reform should not affect the restructuring of the army and the institutions that committed direct violations, but rather radically improve the institutional system.”

They stressed the “necessity of political neutrality for institutions, especially the army so that they do not interfere in the processes of power transition.”

On the other hand, the government delegation focused on “the legitimacy of institutions and their steadfastness despite being targeted by terrorism and international interventions.”

“The restructuring of institutions in other countries such as Iraq has only led to disasters... and the recommendations of international organizations for reform have failed,” said a Damascus representative.

The opposition urged the necessity of embracing reform as a basic entitlement to restore institutions to their work in all Syrian lands. Otherwise, Syria would be a failed state.

According to the opposition delegation, reform may require restructuring institutions, accountability for officials, and removing impunity for abusers, especially from the security services and the army.

The government delegation defended its proposal.

“State institutions exist, and reform does not mean restructuring. It should not be an excuse to destroy institutions or allow external interference,” a government representative said.

They stressed that “the army cannot be impartial, as there is no neutral army in the matter of protecting the people.”

More so, they argued that corruption and institutional failure are individual cases that did not undermine Syrian institutions’ steadfastness and commitment to their duties.

“Reform is ongoing and continuous and cannot reach the point of building alternative institutions. The experience of alternative institutions in Syria and other countries has failed miserably,” noted a government representative.

The Constitution, International Agreements

The proposal presented by Bahra dealt with “the supremacy of the constitution and the hierarchy of international agreements.”

It considered “the constitution as the supreme law of the country.” However, it argued that international agreements must be set higher than national laws.

Discussions took place on the proposal, with attendees asking technical questions.

One of the questions revolved around whether international agreements transcend national law directly at the time of their signing or after conforming to the national legal system and issuing appropriate legislation.

The opposition delegation proposed including human rights agreements in the constitution.

Meanwhile, the government delegation considered “international agreements in the human rights field as a door to infiltrating Syrian sovereignty.” It also refuted accusations of Damascus not being concerned with human rights.

The civil society delegation affiliated with Damascus supported the government delegation’s statements on the matter.

“This principle aims to put Syria under international trusteeship,” a civil society representative said.

Justice or Revenge

Civil society representatives affiliated with the opposition presented a proposal on “transitional justice.”

The proposal includes the state’s commitment to building societal peace by adopting a comprehensive approach to transitional justice.

It stressed the principle of non-impunity for human rights abusers.

War crimes, crimes against humanity and human rights violations do not fall with the passage of time or the issuance of a former amnesty with a series of measures, reforms, and accountability.

A heated discussion erupted as the Damascus delegation warned that the opposition’s proposal “opens the door to external interference and presents a back door to disrupting state institutions and social cohesion.”

The government delegation argued that the proposal accomplishes what the “international war on Syria couldn’t.”

Some suggested “justice in favor of compensating Syria for the war declared by foreign countries,” warning that the proposal’s text “incriminates the Syrian government in advance.”

However, this was denied by the opposition.

“The term is mentioned in many Arab and international constitutions, as transitional justice is a national process,” an opposition representative argued.

“It’s not a matter of revenge... there is a wide package of measures required to ensure sustainable peace,” they added.

“These measures include legal and illegal accountability measures that focus on reparations, memorialization and institutional reform programs.”

Papers, Amendments

On Friday, the participants gave written amendments to the proposals submitted successively in the previous four days.

Pedersen thanked Kuzbari and Bahra for their “good conduct of the discussion.”

Pedersen noted progress in the level and method of discussion, even “if there was no progress in the agreed content.”

The UN envoy expressed concern that “continuing discussion at this pace may require years before reaching final formulations.”

Accordingly, he vowed to consult with everyone to develop better mechanisms before the ninth round, which is slated for 25-29 July.

Pedersen said that he agreed with Kuzbari and Bahra on the importance of finding ways to speed up the pace of work and achieve results.



Houthi Schools in Yemen Turned into Early Recruitment Camps

Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
TT

Houthi Schools in Yemen Turned into Early Recruitment Camps

Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)

Since rising to power in 2014, Yemen’s Houthi movement, Ansar Allah, has systematically entrenched itself within the education system, rewriting curricula, renaming schools, and embedding ideological programs.

Classrooms have become a frontline in a broader struggle over identity and influence, and a pipeline for recruiting young people.

As public schools were sidelined and weakened, the group built a parallel model, recasting education as a controlled, camp-like environment. At its core is a network branded “Martyr of the Quran Schools,” positioned as an alternative system.

Seizure and spread

The shift has been enforced on the ground. Public school buildings have been taken over and rebranded. Kamran School in Ibb, for example, was renamed under the new label. Other schools have been given the names of Houthi figures, a move educators say aims to replace the state’s education identity.

The expansion has also reached mosques, including the Grand Mosque in Dhamar, Al-Shamsiya School, and Al-Firdous Mosque in Sanaa’s Sawaan district, which have been repurposed into centers under the same banner.

Within three years, the model has spread across Houthi-held areas, moving beyond major cities into districts.

The schools operate as closed boarding schools, providing housing, food, and supplies while imposing a tightly controlled ideological framework. The name itself invokes the group’s founder, Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi.

From headline to pattern

On March 3, 2024, Houthi authorities said 3,000 students had graduated from the network.

The figure appears routine. But it reflects just two years of intensive, closed education, from a project that only began to take shape in 2022, underscoring the speed of expansion.

Houthi media say the model started with one school in Sanaa, then one per province, before spreading rapidly, especially in the capital.

Accounts suggest similarities with the system used by Hezbollah in Lebanon. Houthi officials frame the schools as part of the founder’s vision to produce generations “aware of the Quran” and able to confront cultural challenges.

Blurred structures

The schools carry the formal name “Martyr of the Quran Secondary Schools for Sharia Sciences,” but key details, including their legal basis and oversight, remain unclear.

References to a “republican decree” establishing them have surfaced, but no confirmed evidence exists. Reports also refer to boards of directors and links to education officials, yet the structure remains opaque.

An entity described as the General Administration of Secondary Schools for Sharia Sciences, reportedly led by Houthi figure Mohammed al-Tawqi within the education ministry, appears to be connected, though its exact role is unclear.

The group’s “General Mobilization” apparatus, tasked with recruitment and ideological training, is a constant presence. It operates directly under Houthi leadership and coordinates with religious bodies, mirroring models used by Hezbollah and Iran-aligned groups elsewhere.

No oversight

A teacher in Sanaa province, speaking anonymously, said the schools operate outside formal educational supervision. Curricula and programs are not published, leaving their content difficult to assess.

Management, he said, is tied to Ansar Allah’s cultural and educational offices, not standard education authorities.

Funding is similarly opaque. The schools are backed by the group’s resources, including levies and compulsory contributions, with Houthi media pointing to the Zakat Authority and the General Mobilization body as sources.

Recruitment and incentives

Each academic year, aligned with the Islamic calendar adopted by the group, enrollment opens to students aged 15 to 17 who have completed basic education.

Admission requires interviews and tests that assess ideological commitment and readiness for a full two-year residential program.

The incentives are clear: full accommodation, meals, clothing, and free tuition, alongside intensive daily programs described as faith-based.

The schools currently focus on secondary education, but expansion is underway. Graduates receive certification from an affiliated religious academy and can pursue further study or join institutions, including the group's military colleges.

A controlled day

Details of the curriculum remain scarce, but officials describe a rigid schedule. According to a school supervisor in Sanaa, the day starts at 4 a.m. with prayers and Quran study, followed by classes, then extended ideological sessions in the afternoon and evening.

Students study the writings of Hussein al-Houthi, attend lectures, and watch group-produced content as part of sustained indoctrination.

The program runs for two years in a closed setting, largely cut off from families.

Teachers are also drawn in. With public sector salaries disrupted, many join these schools, where pay is available, but they must first undergo ideological training.

Beyond the classroom

Activities extend beyond formal lessons. Students visit sites linked to Houthi leaders, including the grave of Hussein al-Houthi and that of Saleh al-Sammad, framed as “faith-building” experiences.

Annual events, including “Martyr’s Day,” feature speeches, marches, and staged combat scenes, reinforcing themes of jihad and allegiance.

A former teacher said the activities follow a structured program designed to build loyalty before academic learning. Students are trained in public speaking, media presence, and simulated combat, and take part in security-style exercises.

Militarization of school life

Military elements are integrated into daily life, with exposure to weapons and organized student parades, such as one held in Raymah province in February 2025.

School environments reinforce the messaging, with classrooms filled with images, slogans, and ideological language tied to the group.

“It is not an educational institution,” one teacher said. “It is a place to shape students.”

Pressure and withdrawal

A student in Sanaa province, identified as Sadiq, said he left after his father learned of the school’s ideological focus.

He described a reduced academic schedule, with only three classes a day, while the rest of the time is devoted to lectures.

“After the lecture, if a student cannot answer questions, he is beaten,” he said, adding that many stopped attending under the pressure.

Parallel system, uncertain future

The rise of these schools has created a parallel education track alongside the recognized system, leaving students exposed if conditions shift.

Houthi media promote student statements dismissing other schools as lacking real knowledge, reflecting a broader effort to discredit formal education.

Graduates emerge shaped by a strong ideological framework, raising questions about their academic and professional prospects and the long-term impact on Yemen.

Education, once a space for critical thinking and opportunity, is being recast as a tool of mobilization, reshaping a generation in line with a narrow ideological project.


Khamenei Message to Hezbollah Chief Reaffirms Ties, Sends Political Signals

A woman reacts as mourners gather on March 29, 2026, in the Choueifat area on the outskirts of Beirut during the funeral of journalists killed the previous day in an Israeli strike in south Lebanon. (Photo by ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
A woman reacts as mourners gather on March 29, 2026, in the Choueifat area on the outskirts of Beirut during the funeral of journalists killed the previous day in an Israeli strike in south Lebanon. (Photo by ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
TT

Khamenei Message to Hezbollah Chief Reaffirms Ties, Sends Political Signals

A woman reacts as mourners gather on March 29, 2026, in the Choueifat area on the outskirts of Beirut during the funeral of journalists killed the previous day in an Israeli strike in south Lebanon. (Photo by ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
A woman reacts as mourners gather on March 29, 2026, in the Choueifat area on the outskirts of Beirut during the funeral of journalists killed the previous day in an Israeli strike in south Lebanon. (Photo by ibrahim AMRO / AFP)

A message from Iran’s Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, to Hezbollah Secretary General Naim Qassem, thanking him for condolences over the death of his father, “leader of the Islamic Revolution,” came at a pivotal moment of regional escalation, giving it clear political weight and signaling messages to both domestic and foreign audiences.

The message reaffirms the depth of ties between Iran and Hezbollah, reinforces the group’s place within Tehran’s strategy, and signals a push to sustain open confrontation.

It made no reference to the Lebanese state, even as officials in Lebanon seek to “disassociate” from Iran after Hezbollah opened the southern front in support of Tehran. Authorities have taken steps in that direction, including expelling the Iranian ambassador and banning the group’s military wing.

“Reaffirming the obvious”

Lebanese ministerial sources described the message as “a reaffirmation of the obvious,” saying it “offers nothing new, but reinforces an established reality.”

“The relationship between Iran and Hezbollah has never been severed,” the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat, pointing to continued coordination and joint operations in the current war.

They said the message aligns fully with both sides’ declared positions, making it “a restatement of existing policy.” The core of the relationship, they added, is now explicit and entrenched, forming part of a fixed political landscape that goes beyond the traditional concept of the state.

One battle, with the US named as an enemy

Political analyst Ali al-Amine said the message underscores that Iran and Hezbollah see themselves as fighting a single battle against a common enemy, reflected in references to “steadfastness” against the United States and Israel.

He said the narrative, invoking Hezbollah and Iranian figures killed by Israel, reinforces a shared path and common fate in the war.

Al-Amine noted one sharper shift, the explicit placement of the United States alongside Israel as an equal enemy, highlighted in the closing reference to the “American-Zionist enemy.”

Khamenei told Qassem he is leading the movement at a defining moment in the resistance’s history, voicing confidence in his ability to defeat Israeli plans and restore pride to the Lebanese people.

He reaffirmed that Iran’s policy remains aligned with the path of the late imam and the “martyred leader,” pledging continued support for the resistance against Israel and the US.

Ignoring the Lebanese state, overlooking the cost

Al-Amine said the message pointedly omits any reference to the Lebanese state, addressing only the Lebanese people and speaking directly to Hezbollah.

“All the focus is on confrontation and the role of the party,” he said, with no acknowledgment of state authority or decision-making power.

He added that the message also overlooks the scale of destruction and displacement in Lebanon. More than one million people have been displaced, most from the Shiite community, including many Hezbollah supporters forced from their homes and scattered across the country.


‘Iran Data’ Guides Israel to Hezbollah Leaders in Lebanon

Firefighters extinguish blazes in cars hit by an Israeli strike in Beirut’s Jnah area at dawn Wednesday, killing Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem (AP)
Firefighters extinguish blazes in cars hit by an Israeli strike in Beirut’s Jnah area at dawn Wednesday, killing Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem (AP)
TT

‘Iran Data’ Guides Israel to Hezbollah Leaders in Lebanon

Firefighters extinguish blazes in cars hit by an Israeli strike in Beirut’s Jnah area at dawn Wednesday, killing Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem (AP)
Firefighters extinguish blazes in cars hit by an Israeli strike in Beirut’s Jnah area at dawn Wednesday, killing Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem (AP)

The assassination of senior Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem at dawn on Wednesday has laid bare signs of security breaches the group had previously said it had resolved before the latest war.

It has also exposed a mix of advanced techniques and what sources describe as Israeli data originating from Iran, alongside the persistent role of human intelligence in tracking targets, security sources and experts told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Since the war began on March 2, Israel has carried out a string of assassinations targeting Hezbollah and Revolutionary Guards commanders on Lebanese soil, most notably Hashem, who was killed in a missile strike on a parking garage in the Jnah area on the outskirts of Beirut.

Emerging security factors

Security sources tracking the killings and the pursuit of Hezbollah members said the major breach that existed before the previous war, which erupted in September 2024 and ended in November that year, appeared largely absent at the outset of the current conflict.

They attributed this to a set of changes. Hezbollah tightened security measures, shifted communication methods, evacuated headquarters and apartments, and abandoned communication devices altogether.

Newly appointed figures replacing assassinated leaders were largely unknown. Israel, meanwhile, was unable to rebuild the intelligence database it had compiled over the years in the short window between the two wars. It also diverted attention to gathering intelligence from Iran, reflecting a shift in priorities.

As a result, assassinations declined in Lebanon in the early phase of the war, despite limited breaches that still enabled targeted strikes on senior figures, including Hashem, whom Israel identified as Hezbollah’s southern region commander.

People stand near a damaged van beside scattered debris following an Israeli strike in Beirut, Lebanon, Wednesday, April 1, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

Non-Lebanese data sources

The sources said the most decisive factor in identifying targets lay in non-Lebanese data, pointing to an intelligence bank compiled from Iranian and Palestinian networks.

That pattern is reflected in the profiles and locations of those targeted.

Israel said on Monday it killed Hezbollah commander Ibrahim Rakin in a strike on an apartment in Beirut’s southern suburbs, describing him as the deputy commander of Unit 1800, responsible for supporting Palestinian militants and managing Hezbollah operations in countries neighboring Israel.

Israel also said it killed several Iranian figures in Lebanon, including two central commanders in the Lebanon Corps affiliated with the Quds Force of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards who were operating in Beirut, one of them in the Ramada Hotel in the Raouche area.

On March 11, the Israeli military said it had targeted Hisham Abdel Karim Yassin, describing him as a senior commander in Hezbollah’s communications unit and in the Palestine Corps affiliated with the Quds Force, the external arm of the Revolutionary Guards.

The sources said Israel’s Iran-based intelligence pool helped it track individuals inside Lebanon. Most targets maintained contact with Iranians, making them easier to trace through Iranian movements.

They added that Iranian figures killed early in the war were widely believed to have been carrying mobile phones, making them easier to locate and track, as were individuals linked to those handling the Palestinian file.

The pattern is not new. In the previous war, Hezbollah leaders were killed alongside Iranian figures, including a Revolutionary Guards official killed when Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah was assassinated, and another killed with Radwan force commanders on September 20, 2024, reinforcing indications that Israeli intelligence sources extend into Iran.

Another hypothesis suggests that Iranian, Palestinian, and Lebanese figures coordinating with them are compelled to use communication devices, exposing them to surveillance.

Foreign operatives also tend to move through populated areas with surveillance cameras, making them easier to track through camera infiltration.

The sources did not rule out human intelligence breaches, pointing to operatives working for Israel’s Mossad in Lebanon, Iran, or the Palestinian territories.

Separately, Israel said on Wednesday it killed the head of the engineering branch in the Lebanon Corps of the Quds Force in a strike in the Mahallat area in central Iran.

The Israeli military said its air force targeted engineer Mehdi Vafaei, who had led infrastructure projects in Lebanon and Syria for two decades.