Syria Constitutional Talks Conclude 8th Session, Position on Army ‘Thwarts’ Discussions in Geneva

The text of the opposition delegation’s proposal on the constitution and international agreements and the text of the government delegation’s proposal on state institutions (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The text of the opposition delegation’s proposal on the constitution and international agreements and the text of the government delegation’s proposal on state institutions (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Syria Constitutional Talks Conclude 8th Session, Position on Army ‘Thwarts’ Discussions in Geneva

The text of the opposition delegation’s proposal on the constitution and international agreements and the text of the government delegation’s proposal on state institutions (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The text of the opposition delegation’s proposal on the constitution and international agreements and the text of the government delegation’s proposal on state institutions (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Once again, the position regarding the Syrian state institutions, especially the army, thwarted the sessions of the Constitutional Committee in Geneva.

A dispute had erupted between the government delegation headed by Ahmed al-Kuzbari and the opposition negotiating body headed by Hadi al-Bahra over institutional reform.

In contrast to Damascus’ warnings about replicating Iraq’s disastrous attempt to restructure the army and voicing a total rejection of making the army neutral, the opposition delegation called for reform to avoid Syria becoming a failed state.

Moreover, the opposition called for an impartial role for the army during the power transfer.

Under UN sponsorship, the Constitutional Committee’s eighth session last week recorded a “tempo” improvement in addition to participants agreeing to some common points.

However, translating those common points into consensual texts that could serve as pillars of Syria’s constitution remains an obstacle. This, as promised in the closing session on Friday, requires UN envoy Geir Pedersen to take an additional shuttle tour between Syrian actors and external players before the Committee’s next session.

Under previous UN facilitative arrangements, the program of the eighth round included presenting a constitutional principle every day starting from Monday and leaving the last day for discussions and consensus.

The civil society delegation affiliated with Damascus presented a proposal for “unilateral coercive measures from a constitutional standpoint.”

For his part, Bahra presented a proposal for “the supremacy of the constitution and the hierarchy of international agreements,” while Kuzbari proposed the principle of “preserving and strengthening state institutions.”

The civil society delegation affiliated with the opposition discussed the issue of “transitional justice.”

A Western official summarized to Asharq Al-Awsat the discussions that took place during the five days of the Committee’s eighth round of talks:

Coercive Measures

Kuzbari received the proposal presented by the civil society delegation affiliated with Damascus. Their bid emphasized that “unilateral coercive measures imposed on the Syrian people constitute economic terrorism and infringes on the basic constitutional rights of the Syrian people.”

They also warned that unilateral coercive measures could limit “the security of its basic living requirements.”

It was suggested for the constitution to include “the state’s obligation to seek the lifting of unilateral coercive measures and to demand the countries that imposed sanctions to pay appropriate compensation.”

Additionally, the proposal called for opposing and rejecting sanctions as a national duty for every Syrian.

It emphasized that the right to development and the reconstruction of what was destroyed by terrorism and external aggression is a project for the Syrian people under the constitution.

The proposal added that refugees’ right to safe and voluntary return is humanitarian and may not be linked to any external political conditions.

When discussing the proposal, the government delegation focused on the incompatibility of coercive measures with international law and chose to link these measures to the “terrorist war on Syria.”

Meanwhile, the opposition delegation considered the proposal “unconstitutional” and stressed that reconstruction and development are economic rights and should not be restricted by unilateral coercive measures.”

Some of the attendees considered “everyone who encourages sanctions a traitor.”

A Warning against “Racialization”

The following day, Kuzbari presented a proposal on “state institutions” in a session chaired by Bahri.

His proposal ensured that “institutions are entitled to specific powers by the constitution and that undermining them or threatening them internally or externally is an act punishable by law.”

“The responsibility of the army is to protect the homeland against terrorism and occupation,” the proposal acknowledged, adding that “preserving and strengthening the army is a national duty.”

During discussions, the opposition members focused on “Syrian institutions needing a lot of reforms because they have lost their credibility due to human rights violations.”

Opposition attendees suggested that “reform should not affect the restructuring of the army and the institutions that committed direct violations, but rather radically improve the institutional system.”

They stressed the “necessity of political neutrality for institutions, especially the army so that they do not interfere in the processes of power transition.”

On the other hand, the government delegation focused on “the legitimacy of institutions and their steadfastness despite being targeted by terrorism and international interventions.”

“The restructuring of institutions in other countries such as Iraq has only led to disasters... and the recommendations of international organizations for reform have failed,” said a Damascus representative.

The opposition urged the necessity of embracing reform as a basic entitlement to restore institutions to their work in all Syrian lands. Otherwise, Syria would be a failed state.

According to the opposition delegation, reform may require restructuring institutions, accountability for officials, and removing impunity for abusers, especially from the security services and the army.

The government delegation defended its proposal.

“State institutions exist, and reform does not mean restructuring. It should not be an excuse to destroy institutions or allow external interference,” a government representative said.

They stressed that “the army cannot be impartial, as there is no neutral army in the matter of protecting the people.”

More so, they argued that corruption and institutional failure are individual cases that did not undermine Syrian institutions’ steadfastness and commitment to their duties.

“Reform is ongoing and continuous and cannot reach the point of building alternative institutions. The experience of alternative institutions in Syria and other countries has failed miserably,” noted a government representative.

The Constitution, International Agreements

The proposal presented by Bahra dealt with “the supremacy of the constitution and the hierarchy of international agreements.”

It considered “the constitution as the supreme law of the country.” However, it argued that international agreements must be set higher than national laws.

Discussions took place on the proposal, with attendees asking technical questions.

One of the questions revolved around whether international agreements transcend national law directly at the time of their signing or after conforming to the national legal system and issuing appropriate legislation.

The opposition delegation proposed including human rights agreements in the constitution.

Meanwhile, the government delegation considered “international agreements in the human rights field as a door to infiltrating Syrian sovereignty.” It also refuted accusations of Damascus not being concerned with human rights.

The civil society delegation affiliated with Damascus supported the government delegation’s statements on the matter.

“This principle aims to put Syria under international trusteeship,” a civil society representative said.

Justice or Revenge

Civil society representatives affiliated with the opposition presented a proposal on “transitional justice.”

The proposal includes the state’s commitment to building societal peace by adopting a comprehensive approach to transitional justice.

It stressed the principle of non-impunity for human rights abusers.

War crimes, crimes against humanity and human rights violations do not fall with the passage of time or the issuance of a former amnesty with a series of measures, reforms, and accountability.

A heated discussion erupted as the Damascus delegation warned that the opposition’s proposal “opens the door to external interference and presents a back door to disrupting state institutions and social cohesion.”

The government delegation argued that the proposal accomplishes what the “international war on Syria couldn’t.”

Some suggested “justice in favor of compensating Syria for the war declared by foreign countries,” warning that the proposal’s text “incriminates the Syrian government in advance.”

However, this was denied by the opposition.

“The term is mentioned in many Arab and international constitutions, as transitional justice is a national process,” an opposition representative argued.

“It’s not a matter of revenge... there is a wide package of measures required to ensure sustainable peace,” they added.

“These measures include legal and illegal accountability measures that focus on reparations, memorialization and institutional reform programs.”

Papers, Amendments

On Friday, the participants gave written amendments to the proposals submitted successively in the previous four days.

Pedersen thanked Kuzbari and Bahra for their “good conduct of the discussion.”

Pedersen noted progress in the level and method of discussion, even “if there was no progress in the agreed content.”

The UN envoy expressed concern that “continuing discussion at this pace may require years before reaching final formulations.”

Accordingly, he vowed to consult with everyone to develop better mechanisms before the ninth round, which is slated for 25-29 July.

Pedersen said that he agreed with Kuzbari and Bahra on the importance of finding ways to speed up the pace of work and achieve results.



UN Chief Warns Cash Crunch Threatens Palestinian Refugee Agency

Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
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UN Chief Warns Cash Crunch Threatens Palestinian Refugee Agency

Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)

UN chief Antonio Guterres warned Tuesday of the "increasingly precarious" situation of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees known as UNRWA, saying that millions of people's livelihoods were at risk.

The secretary-general said that further funding cuts for UNRWA -- which Israel has criticized as politically biased -- could "push conditions beyond breaking point."

Because of insufficient funding, UNRWA has scaled back its operations since the start of the year.

"As we meet here today, the safety and welfare of millions of Palestine refugees hangs in the balance," Guterres told a donor conference for the UN agency.

He noted the "utterly appalling" living conditions in Gaza, violence by Israeli settlers in the West Bank and Israeli strikes on Lebanon.

"It [UNRWA] faces sweeping restrictions throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory. And a cash shortfall that imperils its work across the region," Guterres said.

"I am appalled by continuing efforts to marginalize and undermine UNRWA through disinformation, smear campaigns, legislative actions, operational restrictions, diplomatic roadblocks and more," he said.

Israel has long opposed UNRWA, created by the UN General Assembly in 1949, and intensified its criticism after October 7, alleging that employees participated in the deadly 2023 attack on Israel.


Hundreds of Thousands of Lebanese Head Home as Fighting Eases, Many Still Stranded

Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
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Hundreds of Thousands of Lebanese Head Home as Fighting Eases, Many Still Stranded

Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)

Some 400,000 Lebanese uprooted by war have returned to southern Lebanon, with more expected to follow in the coming week, a government minister said on Tuesday, encouraged by a lull in the four-month-long conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

Yet many remain unable to go back. Since March, around 1 million people have been forced to flee their homes, and large numbers are still in shelters or temporary housing because their homes are destroyed or uninhabitable, said Hanine ‌El Sayed, Minister of Social Affairs.

Roughly 40% ‌of those displaced have now returned to their towns ‌and ⁠villages. The number ⁠of people staying in collective shelters has fallen sharply, to about 13,000 from 37,000, she said.

While some shelters will remain open for families who cannot return, aid programs — including emergency cash support — will continue. The number of shelters has dropped from 692 at the height of the crisis to 479, with additional centers opened in Nabatieh for those wanting to stay near their home ⁠areas.

El Sayed said the headline figures conceal a ‌gap between those able to return and ‌those still displaced.

"These are families that are able to return to something, at least ‌the basic minimum," she told Reuters. "The fact that the others have ‌not returned means they have a much harder situation."

Authorities expect further returns in the coming days and hope within about a week to better gauge how many families cannot go back at all.

"In about a week's time ... we would really know ‌the size of the problem - how many absolutely cannot return because their homes have been totally damaged," she said.

CHALLENGES ⁠OF GOING ⁠HOME

For many, returning home does not mean a return to normal life. Families are often finding damaged houses, scarce electricity and water, and destroyed businesses and livelihoods, as the government works to restore basic services and expand cash assistance, rental support and employment programs.

Yet despite these hardships, many are choosing to return.

"Many of the people of the south are very attached to their land and they want to rightfully make a claim back to it," El Sayed said.

The government estimates Lebanon will need billions of dollars to rebuild damaged homes and infrastructure, funding that it does not currently have, El Sayed said.

Nearly 90,000 housing units have been totally or partially destroyed in the latest conflict, adding to widespread damage from earlier fighting.


Aoun Optimistic on ‘Best Possible’ Deal for Lebanon, Banks on US Role

In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
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Aoun Optimistic on ‘Best Possible’ Deal for Lebanon, Banks on US Role

In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)

In one phrase, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun answers critics of the framework agreement Lebanon and Israel signed late last week, an agreement he admits is “not ideal”, “Give me the alternative.”

For more than three years, Lebanon has been reeling from the fallout of Hezbollah’s successive “support” wars, first for Gaza in late 2023 and then for Iran on March 2 in wake of the war with the United States and Israel. Still, visitors to Aoun come away with a clear impression that the president is optimistic about the path opened by the agreement.

A senior Lebanese source said the reality created by those wars has added to Lebanon’s burden. Beirut had been negotiating over Israel’s withdrawal from five hills it occupied in the first round.

It then found itself negotiating under fire and occupation, as Israel’s presence expanded to the outskirts of Nabatieh in the east and Tyre on the coast, seizing Bint Jbeil in between.

The source placed direct responsibility for the war on Hezbollah. “Had it not been for its six rockets, which it fired last March, we would not be in this position today,” the source said.

The agreement is the result of facts imposed by the battlefield and by Lebanon’s condition as it buckles under rising human and material losses, with no clear path to a solution, it added.

A framework, not yet an agreement

Still, the source insisted the agreement “is not bad. More precisely, it has not become an agreement yet. It is a framework agreement that sets broad guidelines, pending the fine details that will be negotiated gradually.”

Lebanon is betting on the new US momentum to press Israel into making concessions on those details, it continued.

The clearest sign that the agreement is not bad, according to the source, “was Israel’s fierce rejection of it at first. That rejection would not have turned into approval without the major US pressure applied in the final hours before signing.”

The second sign was how quickly Israeli leaders moved to craft their own version of the agreement, “which has nothing to do with the truth,” the source said.

“Ninety percent of what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said is not true,” it stressed.

An Israeli military vehicle maneuvers on the Lebanese side of the Israel-Lebanon border, as seen from the Upper Galilee, 28 June 2026, amid an Israel-Lebanon ceasefire. (EPA)

US support

Lebanon sees clear US support as its best weapon against Israel’s lack of interest in a solution and its tilt toward constant escalation.

The strongest proof, Lebanese officials believe, is that US President Donald Trump has called Aoun twice so far. Both calls were highly positive, as were calls from other US officials who contacted Aoun more than once, including Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who remained in continuous contact with him.

The source asked: Can Lebanon afford to risk losing US support when everyone knows the Americans are the only party able to exert real pressure on Israel?

The source said Trump, in his latest call with Aoun, was very clear in adopting Lebanon’s demands for a full Israeli withdrawal “despite the disruptions.”

Trump also expressed readiness to help revive Lebanon and put it back on track. That track includes the return of displaced people, reconstruction, and extending state authority through its own forces across all Lebanese territory, a Lebanese demand above anyone else’s.

The Doha cell and a Hezbollah representative

The Americans are closely tracking developments in Lebanon.

Although Washington is separating what is being agreed on in the Pakistan with Iran track from the Lebanese-Israeli track, it is working in parallel on the Lebanese file. That includes setting up the cell provided for in the US-Iranian understanding to monitor the ceasefire in Lebanon.

The source said the committee would operate from a liaison point in the Qatari capital, Doha. It would include representatives of the United States, Lebanon, Qatar and Iran, as well as Hezbollah, likely the group’s representative in Tehran.

A satellite image shows the village of Froun in Lebanon, June 24, 2026. (Pléiades Neo © Airbus DS 2026/Handout via Reuters)

Ali al-Taher

When practical negotiations over the withdrawal began, Aoun proposed starting with an Israeli pullback from Kfar Tibnit and the historic Beaufort Castle, the last point reached by Israeli forces in their advance. The aim was to push Israeli forces away from Nabatieh after they had reached the city’s outskirts.

But the proposal collided with Israel’s determination to reach the Ali al-Taher heights, believed to contain a massive underground Hezbollah military facility.

Aoun called Rubio and proposed that the Lebanese army enter the area, while the Israeli army would withdraw beyond the Litani River. Rubio contacted the Israelis. Aoun, through intermediaries, contacted Hezbollah.

Israel approved the proposal. Hezbollah gave two contradictory answers. The first allowed the army to deploy without entering the facility. The second rejected the idea completely.

Later, Hezbollah settled on one answer: the matter was absolutely unacceptable. The proposal collapsed.

The area’s importance goes beyond Hezbollah’s facility. If Israeli forces position themselves there, they would directly overlook Nabatieh. From the other side, the heights overlook Israeli settlements, especially Metula, just a few kilometers from Nabatieh.

The idea of a withdrawal from that area was shelved. Instead, the focus shifted to another pullback from Zawtar al-Gharbieh and to the launch of a “pilot zone” there and the towns of Froun and Ghandourieh in the central sector.

That was the middle-ground solution. A withdrawal from the coastal line falls under the same equation because of its proximity to the southern border and, therefore, its high sensitivity for Israel.