عربي English Türkçe اردو فارسى
Logo
Latest News
Features

Int’l Resolution to Help Syrians. Is a Russian-American Settlement Possible?

A member of the "Emergency Response Team" volunteer group hands out meat freshly-butchered and packaged as part of the commemoration for the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha to people at a camp for Syrians displaced by conflict, in the village of Killi in the Syrian opposition-held northwestern city of Idlib on July 10, 2022. (AFP)
A member of the "Emergency Response Team" volunteer group hands out meat freshly-butchered and packaged as part of the commemoration for the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha to people at a camp for Syrians displaced by conflict, in the village of Killi in the Syrian opposition-held northwestern city of Idlib on July 10, 2022. (AFP)
TT
20
TT

Int’l Resolution to Help Syrians. Is a Russian-American Settlement Possible?

A member of the "Emergency Response Team" volunteer group hands out meat freshly-butchered and packaged as part of the commemoration for the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha to people at a camp for Syrians displaced by conflict, in the village of Killi in the Syrian opposition-held northwestern city of Idlib on July 10, 2022. (AFP)
A member of the "Emergency Response Team" volunteer group hands out meat freshly-butchered and packaged as part of the commemoration for the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha to people at a camp for Syrians displaced by conflict, in the village of Killi in the Syrian opposition-held northwestern city of Idlib on July 10, 2022. (AFP)

Last-gasp negotiations are underway to salvage the international resolution that allows cross-border aid to reach Syria.

Russia had last week vetoed the extension of the resolution when it was put to a vote at the United Nations Security Council. The resolution expired on Sunday.

What is the resolution?

Issued in 2014, the resolution allows the delivery of aid to Syrians through four crossings from Jordan, Iraq and Turkey.

With the military changes in the ground in Syria, the region and the world over the years, the United States and Russia agreed in 2021 on resolution 2585. It allowed the delivery of aid through only a single crossing at Bab al-Hawa on the Turkish border. The aid would go to over 2.4 million people in the Idlib province, the last remaining opposition stronghold.

What are the American concessions?

Damascus and Moscow have always been critical of the 2014 resolution, which they deemed a violation of Syria’s sovereignty.

When he came to office, US President Joe Biden set the delivery of aid as a priority for his administration.

A meeting he held with Russian President Vladimir Putin in June 2021 was followed by secret negotiations that were held by their respective envoys, Brett McGurk and Alexander Lavrentiev.

Their talks led to a series of American concessions to Russia that shocked western powers that were not consulted by Washington during the negotiations.

The concessions included an agreement to fund “early recovery” projects in Syria that covered health, education, and sewage systems; increasing aid across the borders of the zones of influence inside Syria; and renewing the resolution for another six months, which hinged on a report on the “early recovery” and cross-border deliveries submitted by UN chief Antonio Guterres.

In return, Washington believed that it received a verbal agreement from Moscow that the resolution would be renewed automatically every six months.

What are the differences between Russia and the US?

The resolution expired as the world remains gripped by the Russian-Western conflict in Ukraine. Moscow attempted to hold expanded political negotiations from Syria, but Washington turned them down. It tasked its embassy in New York to follow up on the extension of the resolution, believing it was a done deal.

Washington and its allies believed the extension would have taken place in line with the understandings reached between McGurk and Lavrentiev. Moscow, meanwhile, had expressed its disappointment over the lack of progress in the “early recovery” and “cross-border” files.

Russia believes western countries did not agree to discuss Guterres’ report on these issues, while Washington charges that Moscow did not commit to its pledges and that it wants the US to make concessions with every extension.

Four Russian demands

Norway and Ireland had submitted the draft to extend the resolution for a year, but it was vetoed by Russia, which handed in four demands in return for its vote:

1- Extending the resolution for six months only.

2- Adding electricity to the projects covered in the “early recovery”. The word “electricity” was mentioned at least twice in the Russian draft.

3- Forming a mechanism to monitor the implementation of the resolution, especially the “early recovery” and “cross-border” deliveries.

4- The extension of the mechanism-resolution must require a new international resolution in line with a report from Guterres about actual progress.

Is there a settlement from either side?
Russia used its veto to turn down the western draft, while Moscow’s proposal did not receive enough votes in favor, with ten non-permanent members, including India and the United Arab Emirates, abstaining.

Countries are now confronted with two options: Failing to issue a resolution, which Moscow and Washington want to avoid, or searching for middle ground between the two resolutions.

Western countries believe they have made several new concessions by including the electricity file and monitoring mechanism in the resolution in return for extending the resolution for a year.

Washington believes that Moscow and Damascus are desperate enough for the electricity file to be included in the resolution that they would agree to a settlement over extending the resolution for a year, rather than six months.

Including the electricity file would save Syria from darkness, keep this file away from western sanctions and encourage energy projects with Jordan.

From Russia’s perspective, Moscow no longer trusts the West’s intentions and wants the resolution extended for only six months so that negotiations could again be held when the resolution expires.

It is hoping that the West wants to avoid strengthening Turkey’s position, which should the resolution fail to be extended, will be in charge of aid deliveries to northern Syria. Ankara could exploit the Syrian file for its own goals related to immigration and terrorism files.

A settlement is possible. Discussions have spoken of an extension for nine months, followed by three more. Over the Eid Al-Adha holiday, Arab and foreign diplomats sat together to search for last-gasp settlements as millions of Syrians held their breath.

Most Viewed

 
Features

To Get Their Own Cash, People in Gaza Must Pay Middlemen a 40% Cut

A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
TT
20
TT

To Get Their Own Cash, People in Gaza Must Pay Middlemen a 40% Cut

A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)
A destroyed branch of the Bank of Palestine in the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City is seen Wednesday, July 9, 2025. (AP)

Cash is the lifeblood of the Gaza Strip’s shattered economy, and like all other necessities in this war-torn territory — food, fuel, medicine — it is in extremely short supply.

With nearly every bank branch and ATM inoperable, people have become reliant on an unrestrained network of powerful cash brokers to get money for daily expenses and commissions on those transactions have soared to about 40%.

"The people are crying blood because of this," said Ayman al-Dahdouh, a school director living in Gaza City. "It’s suffocating us, starving us."

At a time of surging inflation, high unemployment and dwindling savings, the scarcity of cash has magnified the financial squeeze on families — some of whom have begun to sell their possessions to buy essential goods.

The cash that is available has even lost some of its luster. Palestinians use the Israeli currency, the shekel, for most transactions. Yet with Israel no longer resupplying the territory with newly printed bank notes, merchants are increasingly reluctant to accept frayed bills.

Gaza’s punishing cash crunch has several root causes, experts say.

To curtail Hamas’ ability to purchase weapons and pay its fighters, Israel stopped allowing cash to enter Gaza at the start of the war. Around the same time, many wealthy families in Gaza withdrew their money from banks and then fled the territory. And rising fears about Gaza’s financial system prompted foreign businesses selling goods into the territory to demand cash payments.

As Gaza’s money supply dwindled and civilians’ desperation mounted, cash brokers' commissions — around 5% at the start of the war — skyrocketed.

Someone needing cash transfers money electronically to a broker and moments later is handed a fraction of that amount in bills. Many brokers openly advertise their services, while others are more secretive. Some grocers and retailers have also begun exchanging cash for their customers.

"If I need $60, I need to transfer $100," said Mohammed Basheer al-Farra, who lives in southern Gaza after being displaced from Khan Younis. "This is the only way we can buy essentials, like flour and sugar. We lose nearly half of our money just to be able to spend it."

In 2024, inflation in Gaza surged by 230%, according to the World Bank. It dropped slightly during the ceasefire that began in January, only to shoot up again after Israel backed out of the truce in March.

Cash touches every aspect of life in Gaza

About 80% of people in Gaza were unemployed at the end of 2024, according to the World Bank, and the figure is likely higher now. Those with jobs are mostly paid by direct deposits into their bank accounts.

But "when you want to buy vegetables, food, water, medication -- if you want to take transportation, or you need a blanket, or anything — you must use cash," al-Dahdouh said.

Shahid Ajjour’s family has been living off of savings for two years after the pharmacy and another business they owned were ruined by the war.

"We had to sell everything just to get cash," said Ajjour, who sold her gold to buy flour and canned beans. The family of eight spends the equivalent of $12 every two days on flour; before the war, that cost less than $4.

Sugar is very expensive, costing the equivalent of $80-$100 per kilogram (2.2 pounds), multiple people said; before the war, that cost less than $2.

Gasoline is about $25 a liter, or roughly $95 a gallon, when paying the lower, cash price.

Bills are worn and unusable

The bills in Gaza are tattered after 21 months of war.

Money is so fragile, it feels as if it is going to melt in your hands, said Mohammed al-Awini, who lives in a tent camp in southern Gaza.

Small business owners said they were under pressure to ask customers for undamaged cash because their suppliers demand pristine bills from them.

Thaeir Suhwayl, a flour merchant in Deir al-Balah, said his suppliers recently demanded he pay them only with brand new 200-shekel ($60) bank notes, which he said are rare. Most civilians pay him with 20-shekel ($6) notes that are often in poor condition.

On a recent visit to the market, Ajjour transferred the shekel equivalent of around $100 to a cash broker and received around $50 in return. But when she tried to buy some household supplies from a merchant, she was turned away because the bills weren’t in good condition.

"So the worth of your $50 is zero in the end," she said.

This problem has given rise to a new business in Gaza: money repair. It costs between 3 and 10 shekels ($1-$3) to mend old bank notes. But even cash repaired with tape or other means is sometimes rejected.

People are at the mercy of cash brokers

After most of the banks closed in the early days of the war, those with large reserves of cash suddenly had immense power.

"People are at their mercy," said Mahmoud Aqel, who has been displaced from his home in southern Gaza. "No one can stop them."

The war makes it impossible to regulate market prices and exchange rates, said Dalia Alazzeh, an expert in finance and accounting at the University of the West of Scotland. "Nobody can physically monitor what’s happening," Alazzeh said.

A year ago, the Palestine Monetary Authority, the equivalent of a central bank for Gaza and the West Bank, sought to ease the crisis by introducing a digital payment system known as Iburaq. It attracted half a million users, or a quarter of the population, according to the World Bank, but was ultimately undermined by merchants insisting on cash.

Israel sought to ramp up financial pressure on Hamas earlier this year by tightening the distribution of humanitarian aid, which it said was routinely siphoned off by militants and then resold.

Experts said it is unclear if the cash brokers’ activities benefit Hamas, as some Israeli analysts claim.

The war has made it more difficult to determine who is behind all sorts of economic activity in the territory, said Omar Shabaan, director of Palthink for Strategic Studies, a Gaza-based think tank.

"It's a dark place now. You don't know who is bringing cigarettes into Gaza," he said, giving just one example. "It's like a mafia."

These same deep-pocketed traders are likely the ones running cash brokerages, and selling basic foodstuffs, he said. "They benefit by imposing these commissions," he said.

Once families run out of cash, they are forced to turn to humanitarian aid.

Al-Farra said that is what prompted him to begin seeking food at an aid distribution center, where it is common for Palestinians to jostle over one other for sacks of flour and boxes of pasta.

"This is the only way I can feed my family," he said.