Baghdad Weighs Possibility of Forming Interim Govt Headed by Kadhimi

Followers of Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr hold posters with his image during an open-air Friday prayers at Grand Festivities Square within the Green Zone, in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, Aug. 5, 2022. (AP)
Followers of Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr hold posters with his image during an open-air Friday prayers at Grand Festivities Square within the Green Zone, in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, Aug. 5, 2022. (AP)
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Baghdad Weighs Possibility of Forming Interim Govt Headed by Kadhimi

Followers of Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr hold posters with his image during an open-air Friday prayers at Grand Festivities Square within the Green Zone, in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, Aug. 5, 2022. (AP)
Followers of Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr hold posters with his image during an open-air Friday prayers at Grand Festivities Square within the Green Zone, in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, Aug. 5, 2022. (AP)

The Iran-backed Coordination Framework in Iraq is mulling a proposal by Sadrist movement leader, cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, to form an interim government as a solution to the country’s months-long political deadlock.

One figure from the group, however, stood out to oppose the proposal, Sadr’s longtime rival, former Prime Minister and head of the State of Law coalition, Nouri al-Maliki.

He declared his rejection of Sadr’s proposal to dissolve parliament.

“There can be no dissolution of parliament, change in the system, or early elections,” he announced.

The solution lies in allowing the elected parliament to convene, he urged.

Maliki appears to be rejecting Sadr’s proposal just for the sake of rejecting it, without even weighing the probability that it may actually ease the tensions in Iraq.

The former PM is bent on confronting the cleric without any clear political strategy or proposing viable solutions.

Some of his close associates have even claimed that he is obsessed with defeating Sadr.

Such stringent thinking is a threat to his fellow allies in the Framework and Iran’s agenda in Iraq.

Shiite figures, therefore, sought to include representatives from Tehran in discussions over tackling the intra-Shiite disputes.

Iran is aware that the prolongation of the dispute will undermine its interests in Iraq.

At the moment, Maliki appears unwilling to be part of the efforts to restore calm, posing a problem for Tehran.

Sadr is also another problem. He is raising his demands and tightening his grip on power in what the Iranians may interpret as a move to bypass them and seek a direct understanding with Iran’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei.

Sadr has been presented with proposals to resolve the crisis, including dropping the membership of lawmakers who were sworn in to replace his own, who resigned in June.

Another proposal has been the formation of an interim government headed by caretaker Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi.

The government would not include Sadr or Maliki loyalists.

Shiite, Kurdish and Sunni leaders are working hard to persuade Sadr to agree to the suggestion.

A senior political source revealed that two Iranian representatives were part of these efforts.

There are no signs that Sadr would agree to the proposal because his demands go beyond the government and aim to mend the system in Iraq.

The Framework’s possible acceptance of the interim government may soften his position.



Will Regional Tensions Stall Palestinian Arms Handover in Lebanon?

A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
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Will Regional Tensions Stall Palestinian Arms Handover in Lebanon?

A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 
A poster in the Shatila Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut shows a Hamas fighter… (AFP) 

The escalation of the Israeli-Iranian conflict has disrupted Lebanon’s internal agenda, pausing progress on several sensitive files, including the handover of Palestinian weapons inside refugee camps. The disarmament initiative, which was scheduled to begin this week in Beirut’s camps, has now been delayed amid shifting regional dynamics.

According to official Lebanese sources, Palestinian factions have not yet received any instructions - either from Ramallah or Lebanese security agencies - regarding weapons collection. While this has halted implementation, sources say the file is still active. “The factions requested a grace period before the process begins in Beirut’s camps,” the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat, adding that the plan will instead start in the South.

The phased disarmament will begin in the southern camps under the jurisdiction of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, starting with Al-Buss camp near Tyre, followed by Rashidieh and Al-Burj Al-Shamali. No fixed timeline has been set, and implementation will proceed gradually.

A senior Fatah official, Azzam al-Ahmad, is expected to return to Beirut soon at the head of a security delegation to continue discussions on the framework and logistics of the disarmament plan. Al-Ahmad had visited Lebanon prior to Eid al-Adha to mediate internal Fatah disagreements and met with senior Lebanese security officials during his stay.

Palestinian analyst Hesham Debsi, director of the Tatwir Center for Studies, says the disarmament file has not been shelved. “This is not just a local issue; it’s closely tied to regional developments and international negotiations, particularly the US-Iran nuclear talks,” Debsi said.

He noted that the broader Israeli-Iranian confrontation has forced stakeholders to reconsider the timing of major initiatives, including the Arab-French-international conference previously planned to support the Palestinian state and Lebanese sovereignty.

Debsi emphasized that delays do not signal a reversal in political commitment. A joint statement in May between Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun affirmed both parties’ agreement on limiting weapons to the Lebanese state and preventing camps from becoming safe havens for extremist groups.

While preparations are advancing, actual implementation will depend on Lebanon’s political assessment of the right moment to proceed.

Reports of internal dissent within Fatah over the arms file were acknowledged by Debsi but dismissed as resolved. “Some members objected for political or organizational reasons, including feelings of exclusion. Others viewed the decision as hasty,” he said. These concerns, he added, were addressed by the delegation from Ramallah, which also introduced structural reforms in the PLO, the Palestinian embassy, and Fatah’s leadership in Lebanon.

Palestinian armed presence in Lebanon is concentrated across 12 major camps, largely outside state control. Fatah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine dominate these areas. Historically active pro-Syrian factions outside the camps, such as the PFLP-General Command and As-Saiqa, have largely lost their influence, with the Lebanese Army dismantling their remaining bases.