Who Marginalized Role of Premiership in Lebanon after Rafik Hariri’s Assassination?

The killing of Hariri triggered huge anti-government protests in Beirut. (Getty Images)
The killing of Hariri triggered huge anti-government protests in Beirut. (Getty Images)
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Who Marginalized Role of Premiership in Lebanon after Rafik Hariri’s Assassination?

The killing of Hariri triggered huge anti-government protests in Beirut. (Getty Images)
The killing of Hariri triggered huge anti-government protests in Beirut. (Getty Images)

The 1989 Taif Accord that ended the Lebanese civil war (1975-90) transformed the position of prime minister into an effective partner in power.

The position was consolidated with the arrival of Rafik Hariri to the post in late 1992. The businessman managed to invest his extensive Arab and international relations in rebuilding a country that was destroyed by 15 years of war.

His shock assassination on February 14, 2005 re-created the imbalance in constitutional institutions, effectively marginalizing the role of the premiership and diminishing its role in the national equation.

No one argues that Hariri was an extraordinary phenomenon in Lebanon’s history. His legacy has weighed heavily on his successors, who have weakened the top Sunni post in the country.

Former MP Mustafa Alloush said Hariri was a unique figure.

“He had an Arab and international vision and his role was part of that Arab and international role, as demonstrated in his strong ties to the Arab Gulf, starting with Saudi Arabia, and global decision-makers, as well as Egypt, Türkiye, Pakistan, Morocco and others,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He recalled Hariri’s famed statement, “no one is greater than their country,” adding that the slain PM was actually “bigger than Lebanon.”

“He did not covet power, but his vision was based on diversity, democracy and culture. This project protects Lebanon from the creed of leftist groups that don’t believe in the idea of the state,” he explained.

“It also protects Lebanon from Sunni fundamentalism and Shiite extremism represented in Iran’s Vilayet al-Faqih. He strived to achieve this project, which ultimately cost him his life,” lamented Alloush

No one denies that Lebanon began to rapidly decline soon after Hariri’s assassination. It floundered in crises for years before now reaching total collapse.

Alloush remarked that Hariri’s successors “lacked experience and charisma. Successive Sunni leaders agreed to compromises over power and its rewards, which led us to catastrophe.”

Former MP Fares Soaid said the marginalization of the premiership can also be attributed to regional factors, namely Iran’s hegemony over Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.

This situation marginalized the role of Sunnis throughout the region and brought the rise of minorities that have largely succeeded in winning over Christians and Druze, he explained to Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Hariri’s assassination removed a large Sunni barrier that was standing in the way of the Iranian drive in the region,” he noted.

Saddam Hussein’s execution in 2003 and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s death in 2004 all played in Iran’s favor, he went on to say.

Soaid highlighted one successful premiership in Lebanon after Hariri’s murder.

He recalled how Fouad Siniora succeeded in withstanding all sorts of pressure from Hezbollah and its allies during his term in office from 2005 to 2009.

At the time, the anti-Syria March 14 camp was still active and Siniora could rely on its support in taking decisive decisions in government.

Soaid highlighted Hezbollah’s invasion of Beirut on May 7, 2008 and the Doha agreement that resolved the ensuing crisis, granting the party a blocking third power in government. This was the beginning of the marginalization of state institutions.

Hariri employed his vast network of international relations to serve Lebanon’s interests. His assassination upended political life and changed the equation.

Lebanese political analyst Khaldoun al-Sharif told Asharq Al-Awsat: “The assassination undermined the presidency and other political positions.”

Political rivals started to abuse their positions, rather than carrying out their duties in serving the people, they began to purse their own interests at the expense of the population and their future, he explained.

The system of rule that ensued after Hariri’s murder has undermined the presidency, premiership and the parliament speakership, he added.

Sharif said the situation came to a head during the 2015 and 2019 protests against the ruling class.

Soaid agreed with the assessment.

The marginalization not only applies to the premiership, but to the presidency and speakership, he remarked. Any decision taken by the holders of these positions are now ineffective without Hezbollah’s seal of approval, he added.

He predicted that this situation will persist until Iran’s regional role in contained and until Lebanese officials take an adamant stand in defending their country’s identity, Arabism, existence and state.

There are several factors that transformed Lebanon from a progressive and pioneering state under Hariri to a failed state after his assassination.

Sharif said one of the factors is that officials no longer seek the interests of the people, but are rather embroiled in corruption or protecting the corrupt.

Confronting the possession of arms outside state authority (Hezbollah’s arsenal) is no longer the sole goal of political battles, he stated.

Lebanon has to now tackle its devastating economic crisis that erupted in 2019.

Sharif noted how Sri Lanka recently succeeded in reaching an agreement with the International Monetary Fund within ten days while Lebanon has yet to approve a single reform or a state budget since 2019.

“How are the people expected to trust in their such rulers?” he wondered.

“The Lebanese sense that all presidencies in their country are ineffective. They are no longer concerned with the disputes between the rival parties after realizing that these forces only disagree with each other over their own personal gains,” he added.



Israeli Raids Displaced Tens of Thousands in the West Bank. Now Few Places to Shelter Remain 

Boys sit by during the funeral of 18-year-old Palestinian Malik Hattab who was killed the previous day after succumbing to injuries sustained during an Israeli raid on the Jalazun camp for Palestinian refugees north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, at the camp on April 15, 2025. (AFP) 
Boys sit by during the funeral of 18-year-old Palestinian Malik Hattab who was killed the previous day after succumbing to injuries sustained during an Israeli raid on the Jalazun camp for Palestinian refugees north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, at the camp on April 15, 2025. (AFP) 
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Israeli Raids Displaced Tens of Thousands in the West Bank. Now Few Places to Shelter Remain 

Boys sit by during the funeral of 18-year-old Palestinian Malik Hattab who was killed the previous day after succumbing to injuries sustained during an Israeli raid on the Jalazun camp for Palestinian refugees north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, at the camp on April 15, 2025. (AFP) 
Boys sit by during the funeral of 18-year-old Palestinian Malik Hattab who was killed the previous day after succumbing to injuries sustained during an Israeli raid on the Jalazun camp for Palestinian refugees north of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank, at the camp on April 15, 2025. (AFP) 

For weeks, the family had been on the move. Israeli troops had forced them from home during a military operation that has displaced tens of thousands of Palestinians across the occupied West Bank. After finding shelter in a wedding hall, they were told to leave again.

"We don’t know where we’ll go," said the family's 52-year-old matriarch, who did not want to be identified for fear of reprisal. She buried her face in her hands.

The grandmother is one of more than 1,500 displaced people in and around the northern city of Tulkarem who are being pushed from schools, youth centers and other venues because the people who run them need them back. It was not clear how many displaced in other areas like Jenin face the same pressure.

Many say they have nowhere else to go. Israeli forces destroyed some homes.

The cash-strapped Palestinian Authority, which administers parts of the West Bank, has little to offer. The UN agency for Palestinian refugees, the largest aid provider in the occupied territories, struggles to meet greater needs in the Gaza Strip while facing Israeli restrictions on its operations.

Approximately 40,000 Palestinians were driven from their homes in January and February in the largest displacement in the West Bank since Israel captured the territory in the 1967 Mideast war.

Israel says the operations are needed to stamp out militancy as violence by all sides has surged since Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack ignited the war in Gaza.

Fears of long-term displacement Israel's raids have emptied out and largely destroyed several urban refugee camps in the northern West Bank, like Tulkarem and nearby Nur Shams, that housed the descendants of Palestinians who fled or were driven from their homes in previous wars.

Israel says troops will stay in some camps for a year.

People with means are living with relatives or renting apartments, while the impoverished have sought refuge in public buildings. Now that the Muslim holy month of Ramadan has ended, many are being told to leave.

"This is a big problem for us, as the schools cannot be used for the displaced because there are students in them, and at the same time, we have a shortage of financial resources," said Abdallah Kmeil, the governor of Tulkarem.

He said the Palestinian Authority is looking for empty homes to rent to families and plans to bring prefabricated containers for some 20,000 displaced. But it’s unclear when they will arrive.

Seven minutes to pack

The matriarch said Israeli troops gave the family seven minutes to pack when they evicted them from the Nur Shams camp in early February. They left with backpacks and a white flag to signal they weren't a threat.

Shelters were overcrowded. People slept on floor mats with little privacy, and dozens at times shared a few toilets and a shower.

The family tried to return home when soldiers allowed people to go back and get their belongings. Days later, they were forced to leave again, and soldiers warned that their house would be burned if they didn’t, the woman said.

The family found a charity center that doubles as a wedding hall in a nearby town. Now, with the onset of wedding season, they have had to leave.

When the family feels homesick, they walk to a hilltop overlooking Nur Shams.

Palestinians sheltering in and around Tulkarem say they feel abandoned. Much of the aid they were receiving, such as food and clothes, came from the community during Ramadan, a time of increased charity. Now that has dried up.

Israel's crackdown in the West Bank has also left tens of thousands unemployed. They can no longer work the mostly menial jobs in Israel that paid higher wages, making it harder to rent scarce places to stay.

Iman Basher used to work on a Palestinian farm near her house in Nur Shams. Since fleeing, the day's walk there is too far to travel, she said. The 64-year-old was among dozens of people recently forced from another wedding hall. She now sleeps on a mat in another packed building.

Basher said soldiers raiding her house stole about $2,000, money she had been saving for more than a decade for her children’s education.

An Israeli military spokesperson said the army prohibits the theft or wanton destruction of civilian property and holds soldiers accountable for what it called "exceptional" violations. The army said gunmen fight and plant explosives in residential areas, and soldiers sometimes occupy homes to combat them.

‘The scale of the displacement is beyond us’

Aid groups said some displaced people are living in unfinished buildings, without proper clothes, hygiene, bedding or access to healthcare.

"It’s hard to find where the need is ... The scale of the displacement is beyond us," said Nicholas Papachrysostomou, emergency coordinator in the northern West Bank for Doctors Without Borders.

The charity's mobile clinics provide primary healthcare, but there’s a shortage of medicine and it’s hard to get supplies because of Israeli restrictions and financial constraints by the West Bank's health ministry, he said.

The UN agency for Palestinian refugees, known as UNRWA, plans to disburse $265 a month to about 30,000 of the most vulnerable displaced people, but there is enough money for only three months, said Hanadi Jaber Abu Taqa, head of UNRWA in the northern West Bank.

The agency's money mostly goes to Gaza. Just over 12% of the funds it seeks from donors for this year will be allocated to the West Bank.

Portable housing for the many displaced would only be a temporary fix. Some Palestinians said they wouldn't accept it, worrying it would feel like giving up their right to return home.

Isam Sadooq had been helping 60 displaced people staying at a youth center in Tulkarem. Last month, he was told, by the people who run the center, that they should consider evacuating so children can resume sports.

"If we cannot find them another place to live, what will be their fate?" he said. "They will find themselves in the street, and this is something we do not accept."