Sami Gemayel: We Refuse to Be Held Hostage by Hezbollah

Gemayel speaks during an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.
Gemayel speaks during an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.
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Sami Gemayel: We Refuse to Be Held Hostage by Hezbollah

Gemayel speaks during an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.
Gemayel speaks during an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat.

The head of the Lebanese Kataeb Party, Sami Gemayel, warned against some opposition parties resorting to a settlement with Hezbollah in the upcoming presidential elections, noting that the past six years of President Michel Aoun’s reign “led to a complete collapse.”

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Gemayel said: “We have a basic problem called Hezbollah’s weapon, so let us confront it and stop this procrastination.”

“We are not ready to remain hostages to Hezbollah, and for the state to remain hostage to Hezbollah’s decisions and choices that have nothing to do with Lebanon,” he added.

He also called for placing Hezbollah’s weapons on a “real dialogue table.”

The effort to agree on a single name for the presidency “depends on the ability of the opposition, parties and representatives to surpass personal interests and narrow accounts, and agree on a single strategy to fight this battle,” according to the Lebanese deputy.

“For me, that's the key,” he said. “Names are not important, but the agreement on a unified strategy is… We are supposed to maintain communication with the aim of reaching a strategy…”

Gemayel denied the presence of discrepancies within the opposition about the specifications of the new president.

“We want a president who can be entrusted with the sovereignty of this country; a president who is reformist and capable of action, and who unites all Lebanese,” he underlined.

Gemayel stressed that Hezbollah has been waging an open battle for more than 17 years, to gain control over the country.

He went on to say: “In 2016, [Hezbollah] succeeded in imposing its candidate on the presidency and enforcing a settlement that was accepted by the majority of the political parties, except for us.”

This led to the complete collapse of the country at the economic, social, health and education levels, according to the deputy, who asked: “Will we continue with this approach? Can Lebanon bear that Hezbollah name a new president again for the next six years? Can the Lebanese people tolerate such matters? Is it acceptable for Lebanon to remain isolated from its Arab surroundings and from the international community?”

However, Gemayel underlined the presence of a “real opportunity”, but reiterated that it would require the unity of all opposition blocs.

“Today, we must all have the ability to go beyond our personal considerations to achieve this goal... We [the Kataeb]… believe that our role is to serve Lebanon, not ourselves. For this, we always look to the interest of the country and the cause we are defending,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Nevertheless, Gemayel said he believed that it was still too early to judge the success of this movement, because serious contacts were underway.

He continued: “It is true that [Hezbollah] does not have the majority, and it is also true that the opposition does not have a majority, and therefore we must be humble and communicate together, and put all special considerations aside.”

According to Gemayel, it is still early to talk about a presidential vacuum.

He said in this regard: “We are two months away from the presidential elections. We are still deliberating together on names and discussing each of the possible scenarios to be adopted in our strategy. When we reach the last days of President Aoun’s term, then we will see what the electoral situation and balances will be like… Then we'll talk about this issue.”



Fakhri Karim: I Conveyed Talabani’s Advice to Assad on Terrorists

Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: I Conveyed Talabani’s Advice to Assad on Terrorists

Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)

The late Iraqi President, Jalal Talabani, excelled at delivering messages subtly. In private meetings, he spoke more freely than in public statements or interviews. His chief advisor, Fakhri Karim, often joined these discussions.

Luncheons were lavish, showing Talabani's respect for different opinions, though he rarely followed doctors’ advice.

Talabani believed that Iranian leaders were smart and hoped they wouldn’t try to control Baghdad from Tehran, citing the failed attempt to manage Beirut from Damascus.

He noted that Iraq’s independent spirit makes it hard for the country to follow the US, Iran, or Türkiye. Talabani also admitted giving refuge to 80 Iraqi officers who had fought against Iran, after they were targeted by certain groups.

Talabani praised Syria’s late President Hafez al-Assad for his invaluable support, providing accommodation and passports.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim revealed he had warned President Bashar al-Assad, on behalf of Talabani, that militants allowed into Iraq to fight US forces might later turn against Syria.

This, Karim noted, did happen.

After the Israeli invasion of Beirut in 1982, Karim relocated to Damascus. There, he expanded his Al-Mada organization, focusing on publishing, translation, and organizing book fairs, alongside his political activities.

This allowed him to build relationships with top civilian and military officials.

In 2000, after Bashar al-Assad came to power, he met with Karim.

“I felt Assad was eager to listen, especially given my connections with many intellectuals,” recalled Karim.

“I told him dissenting voices exist but are mostly positive. You talk about modernization and renewal; this is a chance for some openness, even in elections,” Karim said he told Assad.

“Do you think anyone could really compete with you, given your position as the Baath Party's leader with all its resources?” Karim questioned.

Karim then discussed the situation of Syrian Kurds with Assad, noting that many lack identification papers, even basic travel documents. He also mentioned seeing historic Kurdish areas in the Khabur region with their names changed to Arabic, which causes sensitivities.

“I am not satisfied with this situation. Rest assured, this issue is on my agenda, and you will hear positive news about it,” Karim cited Assad as saying at the time.

In a later meeting, after the change in Iraq, Karim met Assad several times.

On one occasion, Karim recalls conveying Talabani’s greetings and concerns about armed fighters moving into Iraq and the dangers this posed to both Iraq and possibly Syria.

“We have deployed large forces to secure the borders, but what can we do? There are tribes and smugglers,” Assad complained about the situation.

“I told President Assad that as Fakhri Karim, I couldn’t share with the Americans what I know. I assured him that terrorists enter Iraq from a specific location I’m familiar with, not from all borders,” Karim recounted to Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I also noted that Syria tightly controls its airspace, shooting down any foreign aircraft,” he added.

Assad then responded to Karim and said: “We’re prepared, let us know what we can do.”

In reality, Damascus was worried because there were reports suggesting that Syria’s Baath regime could be the next target for the US army at its borders. Additionally, Damascus was concerned about the sectarian divisions—Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish—in dealing with Iraq and the potential impact on Syria.

Repairing Kurdish Relations

Karim has spent years working on repairing the relationship between Kurdish leaders Talabani and Masoud Barzani.

This history began with the split that gave rise to the ‘Patriotic Union of Kurdistan’ from the ‘Kurdistan Democratic Party.’

Despite bloody conflicts and external meddling, Karim believes Kurdish leaders unify in the face of danger to their people and region, a pattern he expects to continue.

Karim believes that the Kurdish leadership, symbolized by Masoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani, made a big mistake at the beginning by focusing only on regional issues, ignoring Baghdad’s affairs.

He thinks they should have aimed for a federal democratic system that respects citizenship rights.

Karim pointed out that without a unified Iraq, the region’s rights would be uncertain. He also criticized the Shiite-Kurdish alliance, which he sees as odd.

Additionally, he mentioned mistakes in failing to unify regional institutions and increasing corruption, with party interests often trumping competence in appointments.

Asked about the personal bond between Talabani and Barzani, Karim said: “Both have moved past their tough history, but they haven’t done enough for the future.”

“I want to highlight an act by Barzani that shows his character. When Talabani was sick, Barzani made it clear to anyone thinking of harming Talabani or his family that there would be consequences,” he revealed.

“This isn’t hearsay, it’s firsthand,” affirmed Karim.

“Barzani also refused to discuss the presidency or a successor during Talabani’s illness. I personally organized a gathering for Talabani’s family, where Barzani reassured them, ‘I’m here for you, I’m family.’ His words moved everyone, showing a strong emotional connection,” he added.

When asked about Barzani’s character, Karim said: “He's been a long-time friend, and our relationship has been politically aligned and personally warm from the start.”

“I see him as a loyal friend, and he's shown that loyalty on multiple occasions. He’s smart, decisive, and listens carefully, often changing his mind after thorough consideration,” he noted.

“Once Barzani commits to something, he finds it hard to go back on his word. There was a moment during negotiations with Saddam Hussein when he stood firm despite my advice to reconsider,” recalled Karim.

Regarding the aftermath of the independence referendum, Karim believes that the negative turn in the political landscape began during Nouri al-Maliki’s tenure.

Al-Maliki’s attempts to shift alliances and his refusal to compromise exacerbated tensions.

The referendum itself wasn’t the problem; rather, it was exploited by some to punish the Kurdistan Region.

However, Karim emphasized that holding referendums is a citizen’s right, and the purpose of the Kurdistan referendum was to affirm this right, not to declare independence.