IAEA Has Four Options to Exert Pressure on Iran

 The logo of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is seen at their headquarters during a board of governors meeting in Vienna, Austria, June 7, 2021. REUTERS/Leonhard Foeger/File Photo
The logo of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is seen at their headquarters during a board of governors meeting in Vienna, Austria, June 7, 2021. REUTERS/Leonhard Foeger/File Photo
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IAEA Has Four Options to Exert Pressure on Iran

 The logo of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is seen at their headquarters during a board of governors meeting in Vienna, Austria, June 7, 2021. REUTERS/Leonhard Foeger/File Photo
The logo of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is seen at their headquarters during a board of governors meeting in Vienna, Austria, June 7, 2021. REUTERS/Leonhard Foeger/File Photo

European sources in Paris said that the fate of the negotiations to revive the 2015 Iranian nuclear agreement would largely depend on the outcome of the meeting of the IAEA Council of Governors in Vienna this week.

The three undeclared Iranian nuclear sites, in which IAEA inspectors found traces of enriched uranium, remain the subject of debate, despite the fact that four years have passed since the issue was made public.

Since then, the IAEA reports have emphasized that Iran did not give satisfactory answers, nor did it disclose the necessary information that would enable the agency to close the matter.

While the IAEA accuses Tehran of not respecting its obligations under the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement pertaining to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Iran blames the international agency for “politicizing” the issue and for being “biased” to Israel.

Moreover, Tehran insists on closing the issue, and makes it a condition to accept a return to the nuclear agreement.

Three points are worth observing: First, reviving the 2015 agreement will not take place imminently. This was confirmed by German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who said on Monday, in a press conference with Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid: “There is now actually no reason for Iran not to agree to these [European] proposals. But we have to note that this is not the case, and will not happen certainly in the near future.”

Second, the Israeli campaign continues at various levels, and has succeeded in convincing the US administration to delay returning to the 2015 agreement until after the legislative elections in Israel and the midterms in the United States.

Third, Tehran anticipated the agency’s meeting in Vienna by trying to defuse the escalation with Europe. In recent remarks, Iran’s foreign ministry spokesman Nasser Kanani said that Tehran was ready to cooperate with the IAEA.

There is no doubt that the IAEA governors, when making their decisions, will look at their consequences and the Iranian responses to them. According to the sources in Paris, four main options are available to agency officials:

First, the 35 governors can refrain from issuing any statement or taking any measure or action against Tehran, in order to give it an additional 3 month-opportunity to show the extent of the sincerity of its promises, and to avoid escalation or reactions that would increase the obstacles facing the IAEA inspectors.

The second option could be an exact repetition of their statement in June, in which they denounced Iran’s failure to cooperate with the agency.

However, the governors can go further with a third option, by pairing their statement with a deadline to Iran, as a warning of transferring the matter to the UN Security Council, in accordance with the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement.

Finally, the governors may seek to end Iran’s manipulation, by deciding, in the course of this week, to transfer the matter to the Council Security. This will allow the activation of the “snapback” mechanism that will enable the re-imposition of international sanctions on Iran, which were lifted at the beginning of 2016.

Iran’s responses to each of the four options can range from denouncing the agency’s decision, depriving it of access to some sites, or closing additional surveillance cameras, up to partially or completely severing relations with the IAEA.

Iran can also respond by increasing its enrichment rates, “even to 90 percent”, deploying more advanced centrifuges and raising the amounts of enriched uranium.



Who Is Joseph Aoun, a Low-Profile Army Chief Who Is Now Lebanon’s President?

 Newly-elected Lebanese President Joseph Aoun reviews the honor guard upon his arrival at the Lebanese Parliament to be sworn in as a new president, in Beirut, Lebanon, Thursday, Jan. 9, 2025. (AP)
Newly-elected Lebanese President Joseph Aoun reviews the honor guard upon his arrival at the Lebanese Parliament to be sworn in as a new president, in Beirut, Lebanon, Thursday, Jan. 9, 2025. (AP)
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Who Is Joseph Aoun, a Low-Profile Army Chief Who Is Now Lebanon’s President?

 Newly-elected Lebanese President Joseph Aoun reviews the honor guard upon his arrival at the Lebanese Parliament to be sworn in as a new president, in Beirut, Lebanon, Thursday, Jan. 9, 2025. (AP)
Newly-elected Lebanese President Joseph Aoun reviews the honor guard upon his arrival at the Lebanese Parliament to be sworn in as a new president, in Beirut, Lebanon, Thursday, Jan. 9, 2025. (AP)

Lebanon’s new president and former army commander Joseph Aoun has maintained a low profile. Those who know him say he is no-nonsense, kind and averse to affiliating himself with any party or even expressing a political opinion — a rarity for someone in Lebanon’s fractured, transactional political system.

Bilal Saab, a former Pentagon official who is now senior managing director of the TRENDS US consulting firm, often met Aoun while overseeing Washington's security cooperation in the Middle East. He called Aoun a "very sweet man, very compassionate, very warm" who avoided political discussions "like the plague."

"He really was viciously nonpartisan, did not have any interest in even delivering speeches or doing media," Saab said. "He wanted to take care of business, and his only order of business was commanding the Lebanese army."

That might make Aoun an odd fit as Lebanon’s president after being elected Thursday — ending a more than two-year vacuum in the post — but Saab said it could be a boon for the country where incoming leaders typically demand that certain plum positions go to supporters.

"He’s not going to ask for equities in politics that typically any other president would do," Saab said.

Aoun, 61, is from Aichiye, a Christian village in Jezzine province, southern Lebanon. He joined the army as a cadet in 1983, during Lebanon's 15-year civil war.

George Nader, a retired brigadier general who served alongside Aoun, recalled him as keeping cool under fire.

They fought together in the battle of Adma in 1990, a fierce confrontation between the Lebanese army and the Lebanese Forces militia during the war's final stages. Nader described it as one of the toughest battles of his career.

"The level of bloodshed was significant and I remember Joseph was steady and focused," he said.

Aoun commanded the Lebanese army's 9th infantry brigade before being appointed army chief in March 2017.

During his tenure as commander, he oversaw the army’s response to a series of crises, beginning with a battle to push out militants from the ISIS group and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, who were then operating in eastern Lebanon near the Syrian border. The army fought in coordination with the Hezbollah group.

HTS in its current iteration led a lightning offensive that toppled Syrian president Bashar al-Assad last month and has become the de facto ruling party in Syria.

The Lebanese army navigated other challenges, including responding to mass anti-government protests in 2019, the 2020 Beirut port explosion and the 14-month conflict between Israel and Hezbollah that came to a halt with a ceasefire agreement in November.

The Lebanese military largely stayed on the sidelines in the Israel-Hezbollah war, only returning fire a handful of times when Israeli strikes hit its positions. Dozens of soldiers were killed in airstrikes and shelling

The military also took a major hit when Lebanon's currency collapsed beginning in 2019, reducing the monthly salary of a soldier to the equivalent of less than $100.

In a rare political statement, Aoun openly criticized the country's leadership for its lack of action on the issue in a speech in June 2021.

"What are you waiting for? What do you plan to do? We have warned more than once of the dangers of the situation," he said. The United States and Qatar both at one point subsidized soldiers' salaries.

Ed Gabriel, president of the American Task Force on Lebanon, a nonprofit that aims to build stronger US-Lebanon ties, said he met Aoun about seven years ago when he was taking over command of the armed forces and "immediately found him to be the best of those that we had worked with."

He described Aoun as a "very direct guy, very honest" and a leader "who inspires loyalty by his hard work." Those attributes helped Aoun to prevent a flood of defections during the economic crisis, when many soldiers had to resort to working second jobs, Gabriel said.

On a personal level, Gabriel described Aoun as a humble and deeply religious man. Like all Lebanese presidents and army commanders under Lebanon’s sectarian power-sharing system, Aoun is a Maronite Christian.

"His religion really sets the groundwork for ... his value system and his morals," Gabriel said.

In Aoun's hometown, residents burst into celebrations after his election, setting off fireworks, dancing in the streets and handing out sweets.

"We are currently living in very difficult times, and he is the right person for this challenging period," said Claire Aoun, among those celebrating. "May God guide and support him, and may he rebuild this entire nation for us."

But Aoun's election was not without controversy or universally supported, even among fellow Christians.

One of the most influential Christian parties in the country, the Free Patriotic Movement of former President Michel Aoun — no relation to the current president — opposed his candidacy. And the Lebanese Forces party gave him their endorsement only the night before the election.

Some have argued that Joseph Aoun’s election violated the law. The Lebanese constitution bars a sitting army commander from being elected president, though the ban has been waived multiple times. Some legislators were not happy doing it again.

Some in Lebanon also perceived Aoun's election as the result of outside pressure — notably from the United States — and less the result of internal consensus. Hezbollah's war with Israel weakened the group, politically and militarily, and left Lebanon in need of international assistance for reconstruction, which analysts said paved the way for Aoun's election.

Saab, the analyst, said painting Aoun as a puppet of Washington is unfair, although he acknowledged there’s no such thing as a Lebanese president or prime minister completely independent of foreign influence.

"The entire country is heavily penetrated and vulnerable and at the mercy of international powers," Saab said. "But ... if you were going to compare him to the leadership of Hezbollah being fully subservient to Iranian interests, then no, he’s not that guy when it comes to the Americans."