US Does Not Want to See Military Operations in Northwest Syria 

A Türkiye-backed Syrian fighter sits at a position on the outskirts of the town of Marea, in the northern Aleppo countryside, along the frontline with areas held by the SDF, on December 6, 2022. (AFP)
A Türkiye-backed Syrian fighter sits at a position on the outskirts of the town of Marea, in the northern Aleppo countryside, along the frontline with areas held by the SDF, on December 6, 2022. (AFP)
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US Does Not Want to See Military Operations in Northwest Syria 

A Türkiye-backed Syrian fighter sits at a position on the outskirts of the town of Marea, in the northern Aleppo countryside, along the frontline with areas held by the SDF, on December 6, 2022. (AFP)
A Türkiye-backed Syrian fighter sits at a position on the outskirts of the town of Marea, in the northern Aleppo countryside, along the frontline with areas held by the SDF, on December 6, 2022. (AFP)

The United States does not want Türkiye to pursue military attacks in northwest Syria, even if it recognizes Türkiye’s right to defend itself, White House national security spokesman John Kirby said on Wednesday. 

Türkiye has ramped up its shelling and air strikes on northern Syria in recent weeks and has said it is preparing for a possible ground invasion against Syrian Kurdish fighters that it dubs terrorists but who make up the bulk of the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). 

"We don't want to see military operations conducted in northwest Syria that are going to put civilians at greater risk than they already are, put in peril our troops and our personnel in Syria, or our counter ISIS mission," Kirby told reporters. 

The SDF, which helped defeat ISIS in Syria, said on Friday it had stopped all joint counterterrorism operations with the United States and other allies as a result of Turkish bombardment on its area of control. 

The US military has confirmed the pause in operations. 

The SDF has long warned that fighting off a new Turkish incursion would divert resources from protecting a prison holding ISIS fighters or fighting ISIS sleeper cells still waging hit-and-run attacks in Syria. 

The Turkish bombardment, using both long-range weapons and air strikes, has frustrated its NATO ally Washington. 

The United States recognizes that Türkiye has a right to defend itself, especially against terrorism, Kirby said. 

"We recognize the threat that the Turkish people are under, but we don't believe that ... this idea of military operations in northwest Syria is the best way to get at that threat," he said. 



Iran’s Allies Constrained in Confronting Israel

Armed Houthi supporters carry images of deceased military and political figures from Iran-aligned groups during a protest in Sanaa against Israeli airstrikes on Iran (EPA)
Armed Houthi supporters carry images of deceased military and political figures from Iran-aligned groups during a protest in Sanaa against Israeli airstrikes on Iran (EPA)
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Iran’s Allies Constrained in Confronting Israel

Armed Houthi supporters carry images of deceased military and political figures from Iran-aligned groups during a protest in Sanaa against Israeli airstrikes on Iran (EPA)
Armed Houthi supporters carry images of deceased military and political figures from Iran-aligned groups during a protest in Sanaa against Israeli airstrikes on Iran (EPA)

As war rages between Tehran and Tel Aviv, Iran may soon need to call upon its network of regional allies - groups it has armed and funded for years. But now, the so-called “Axis of Resistance” looks strained, fragmented, and far from ready.

On June 19, 2025, General Mohammad Reza Naqdi of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard urged Iran’s regional allies to take action to relieve mounting pressure on Tehran. At that point, Iran was entering its second week of heavy Israeli bombardment. Strategically, an Israeli strike on the Iranian capital once seemed unthinkable, but the regional terrain has since shifted. Iran’s supply routes are now disrupted, and its key proxy groups have either been neutralized or weakened.

According to The Times of Israel, Israel launched this war after nearly two years of systematically targeting Iran’s allies in Gaza, Lebanon, and Yemen. The 2023 Hamas attack on Israel had triggered a chain of retaliation that left many of Iran’s partners damaged or demoralized. With the Assad regime collapsed in Syria, Hezbollah weakened in Lebanon, and Hamas reduced to guerrilla tactics in Gaza, few proxies appear ready for a new confrontation.

In Gaza, Hamas has been forced into small ambushes and urban warfare, its rocket arsenal depleted and many senior leaders killed. Iranian communication channels with the group have also eroded. Israel’s targeted assassination of Mohammad Saeed Izadi, a key Quds Force commander linked to Palestinian factions, further strained coordination. For now, Hamas can offer little more than rhetorical support.

In Iraq, US forces have fortified their embassy in Baghdad, while withdrawing from bases such as Ain al-Asad. Iraqi factions loyal to Iran are posturing, threatening US interests should America enter the war. But most Iraqi leaders remain reluctant to drag the country into open conflict, knowing the consequences could be disastrous. Iran, too, is cautious about sacrificing Iraq’s political and economic value.

Hezbollah, reeling from the death of its longtime leader Hassan Nasrallah in a 2024 Israeli strike, is in disarray. Its military capacity and leadership have been significantly degraded. Though the party retains some strategic capabilities, domestic and regional pressures have so far restrained it from opening a major front.

In Yemen, the Houthis have emerged as Iran’s last viable card. They now play a key role in smuggling weapons and expanding Iranian influence into Africa. Should the US directly join Israel’s war, Tehran may finally authorize the Houthis to use their stockpile of ballistic missiles, signaling a decisive and potentially catastrophic new phase of the conflict.