Hamadeh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Presidential Vacuum in Lebanon Will Last Months

Lebanese MPs speak prior to the start of the ninth parliamentary session to elect a new president of Lebanon, at the Parliament building in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 December 2022. (EPA)
Lebanese MPs speak prior to the start of the ninth parliamentary session to elect a new president of Lebanon, at the Parliament building in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 December 2022. (EPA)
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Hamadeh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Presidential Vacuum in Lebanon Will Last Months

Lebanese MPs speak prior to the start of the ninth parliamentary session to elect a new president of Lebanon, at the Parliament building in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 December 2022. (EPA)
Lebanese MPs speak prior to the start of the ninth parliamentary session to elect a new president of Lebanon, at the Parliament building in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 December 2022. (EPA)

It appears that the vacuum in the presidency in Lebanon will last several months given the lack of prospects for a local solution or a breakthrough in complicated regional files that will negatively impact the country.

Further aggravating the situation is the near collapse of the negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program, which is an omen that the crisis in Lebanon will become tied to international developments.

Lebanon has already held ten presidential elections sessions at parliament but no candidate has come out on top. Intense contacts have been held between local political powers to reach a breakthrough but they have come up empty.

Democratic Gathering MP Marwan Hamadeh told Asharq Al-Awsat that the internal and external conditions for the election of a president are “not ripe yet.”

The so-called document of presidential principles that head of the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) MP Gebran Bassil is promoting is nothing more than an effort to prolong the Aounist grip on power, he said in reference to former President Michel Aoun and Bassil’s father-in-law.

Bassil is hoping to maintain the privileges that he acquired from the constitutional, judicial and military institutions during Aoun’s term, Hamadeh remarked.

Moreover, the running of several candidates is not a sign that a breakthrough is imminent, he added.

He said the various meetings between political powers, the most recent of which was the one between Bassil and Progressive Socialist Party leader Walid Jumblatt, will not lead to a breakthrough.

Instead, he noted that several pending disputes must be resolved, such as Hezbollah’s position in and ties to Lebanese society and the FPM’s relationship with other political powers.

Furthermore, there are several pressing questions that need to answered by the candidates, he went to say. “What is their position from the defense strategy that prevents Lebanon from again sliding towards civil war? Can the new president persuade Hezbollah to become part of the legitimate institutions, through political, parliamentary and social work?” he said.

“Is Hezbollah serious about stopping its violations against the state and in turn all other Lebanese segments?” he went on to say.

“This is impossible as long as Hezbollah’s decisions are taken by Tehran,” stressed the MP.

If Hezbollah does not change its approach, then the party will always use its superior strength to elect a president of its choosing and impose a prime minister and government that align with its views, added Hamadeh.

Hezbollah’s allies will retain the blocking third power in government and therefore, the paralysis at state institutions and judiciary will persist, warned the MP.

Furthermore, he said Lebanon must not rely on international efforts, especially those led by French President Emmanuel Macron, to help end the impasse.

“Macron cannot resolve the presidential vacuum by making statements or threatening to impose sanctions” against parties that are impeding the elections, continued Hamadeh.

“If major powers want to impose a solution in Lebanon, they can do so by delivering firm messages to Iran and force it to change its behavior,” he suggested.

He ruled out the possibility that they may resort to military force, saying that they may instead increase Iran’s international isolation or tighten sanctions and force it to cease its attacks on the region.

“Iran has for years been waging a war against neighboring countries similar to the war Russia is waging on Ukraine,” Hamadeh noted.

On Maronite Patriarch Beshara al-Rahi's call to hold an international conference to resolve the Lebanese crisis, the MP told Asharq Al-Awsat that the conditions to hold such a meeting are not available yet.

The fear however, lies in the possibility that a major security development may take place in Lebanon, forcing the conference to be held and Lebanese parties to attend in spite of their reservations, he warned.

He did agree with al-Rahi however, that Lebanon does need an international conference because “our country is facing a real existential threat.”

On reports that Hezbollah officials are preparing to hold meetings with Christian officials to help address differences, especially in wake of the party’s deteriorating ties with its ally, the FPM, Hamadeh said: “Hezbollah’s problem does not lie with the Christians alone, but with the majority of Lebanese society.”

“Even the vast majority of Shiites are upset with Hezbollah’s polices” that have sanctioned chaos and cross-border smuggling, most notably Captagon, he added.

There can be no sovereignty in Lebanon without reforms and without decision-making being restricted to the state and its legitimate institutions, he stressed.



Fakhri Karim: I Conveyed Talabani’s Advice to Assad on Terrorists

Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: I Conveyed Talabani’s Advice to Assad on Terrorists

Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim (Asharq Al-Awsat)

The late Iraqi President, Jalal Talabani, excelled at delivering messages subtly. In private meetings, he spoke more freely than in public statements or interviews. His chief advisor, Fakhri Karim, often joined these discussions.

Luncheons were lavish, showing Talabani's respect for different opinions, though he rarely followed doctors’ advice.

Talabani believed that Iranian leaders were smart and hoped they wouldn’t try to control Baghdad from Tehran, citing the failed attempt to manage Beirut from Damascus.

He noted that Iraq’s independent spirit makes it hard for the country to follow the US, Iran, or Türkiye. Talabani also admitted giving refuge to 80 Iraqi officers who had fought against Iran, after they were targeted by certain groups.

Talabani praised Syria’s late President Hafez al-Assad for his invaluable support, providing accommodation and passports.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim revealed he had warned President Bashar al-Assad, on behalf of Talabani, that militants allowed into Iraq to fight US forces might later turn against Syria.

This, Karim noted, did happen.

After the Israeli invasion of Beirut in 1982, Karim relocated to Damascus. There, he expanded his Al-Mada organization, focusing on publishing, translation, and organizing book fairs, alongside his political activities.

This allowed him to build relationships with top civilian and military officials.

In 2000, after Bashar al-Assad came to power, he met with Karim.

“I felt Assad was eager to listen, especially given my connections with many intellectuals,” recalled Karim.

“I told him dissenting voices exist but are mostly positive. You talk about modernization and renewal; this is a chance for some openness, even in elections,” Karim said he told Assad.

“Do you think anyone could really compete with you, given your position as the Baath Party's leader with all its resources?” Karim questioned.

Karim then discussed the situation of Syrian Kurds with Assad, noting that many lack identification papers, even basic travel documents. He also mentioned seeing historic Kurdish areas in the Khabur region with their names changed to Arabic, which causes sensitivities.

“I am not satisfied with this situation. Rest assured, this issue is on my agenda, and you will hear positive news about it,” Karim cited Assad as saying at the time.

In a later meeting, after the change in Iraq, Karim met Assad several times.

On one occasion, Karim recalls conveying Talabani’s greetings and concerns about armed fighters moving into Iraq and the dangers this posed to both Iraq and possibly Syria.

“We have deployed large forces to secure the borders, but what can we do? There are tribes and smugglers,” Assad complained about the situation.

“I told President Assad that as Fakhri Karim, I couldn’t share with the Americans what I know. I assured him that terrorists enter Iraq from a specific location I’m familiar with, not from all borders,” Karim recounted to Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I also noted that Syria tightly controls its airspace, shooting down any foreign aircraft,” he added.

Assad then responded to Karim and said: “We’re prepared, let us know what we can do.”

In reality, Damascus was worried because there were reports suggesting that Syria’s Baath regime could be the next target for the US army at its borders. Additionally, Damascus was concerned about the sectarian divisions—Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish—in dealing with Iraq and the potential impact on Syria.

Repairing Kurdish Relations

Karim has spent years working on repairing the relationship between Kurdish leaders Talabani and Masoud Barzani.

This history began with the split that gave rise to the ‘Patriotic Union of Kurdistan’ from the ‘Kurdistan Democratic Party.’

Despite bloody conflicts and external meddling, Karim believes Kurdish leaders unify in the face of danger to their people and region, a pattern he expects to continue.

Karim believes that the Kurdish leadership, symbolized by Masoud Barzani and Jalal Talabani, made a big mistake at the beginning by focusing only on regional issues, ignoring Baghdad’s affairs.

He thinks they should have aimed for a federal democratic system that respects citizenship rights.

Karim pointed out that without a unified Iraq, the region’s rights would be uncertain. He also criticized the Shiite-Kurdish alliance, which he sees as odd.

Additionally, he mentioned mistakes in failing to unify regional institutions and increasing corruption, with party interests often trumping competence in appointments.

Asked about the personal bond between Talabani and Barzani, Karim said: “Both have moved past their tough history, but they haven’t done enough for the future.”

“I want to highlight an act by Barzani that shows his character. When Talabani was sick, Barzani made it clear to anyone thinking of harming Talabani or his family that there would be consequences,” he revealed.

“This isn’t hearsay, it’s firsthand,” affirmed Karim.

“Barzani also refused to discuss the presidency or a successor during Talabani’s illness. I personally organized a gathering for Talabani’s family, where Barzani reassured them, ‘I’m here for you, I’m family.’ His words moved everyone, showing a strong emotional connection,” he added.

When asked about Barzani’s character, Karim said: “He's been a long-time friend, and our relationship has been politically aligned and personally warm from the start.”

“I see him as a loyal friend, and he's shown that loyalty on multiple occasions. He’s smart, decisive, and listens carefully, often changing his mind after thorough consideration,” he noted.

“Once Barzani commits to something, he finds it hard to go back on his word. There was a moment during negotiations with Saddam Hussein when he stood firm despite my advice to reconsider,” recalled Karim.

Regarding the aftermath of the independence referendum, Karim believes that the negative turn in the political landscape began during Nouri al-Maliki’s tenure.

Al-Maliki’s attempts to shift alliances and his refusal to compromise exacerbated tensions.

The referendum itself wasn’t the problem; rather, it was exploited by some to punish the Kurdistan Region.

However, Karim emphasized that holding referendums is a citizen’s right, and the purpose of the Kurdistan referendum was to affirm this right, not to declare independence.