Blinken in Mideast Renews Appeal for Israel-Palestinian Calm

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, left, and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas shake hands following their meeting in the West Bank town of Ramallah, Tuesday, Jan. 31, 2023. (AP)
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, left, and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas shake hands following their meeting in the West Bank town of Ramallah, Tuesday, Jan. 31, 2023. (AP)
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Blinken in Mideast Renews Appeal for Israel-Palestinian Calm

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, left, and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas shake hands following their meeting in the West Bank town of Ramallah, Tuesday, Jan. 31, 2023. (AP)
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, left, and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas shake hands following their meeting in the West Bank town of Ramallah, Tuesday, Jan. 31, 2023. (AP)

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken wrapped up a two-day visit to Israel and the occupied West Bank on Tuesday with renewed appeals for Israeli-Palestinian calm amid an alarming spike of violence.

Blinken met Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas in the West Bank town of Ramallah on Tuesday, a day after seeing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Standing alongside the Israeli leader, Blinken stressed the importance the Biden administration places on resolving the long-running conflict with a two-state solution.

However, beyond urging a de-escalation of tensions, Blinken offered no new US initiative to do so. There were few signs that Blinken was making progress on even the modest goal of halting the latest wave of violence, much less of addressing the broader issues surrounding peace talks.

Speaking to reporters in Jerusalem, Blinken said leaders on both sides had voiced concerns about the current violence during his meetings. He said he instructed two top aides — Barbara Leaf, the top US diplomat for the Middle East, and Hady Amr, the US envoy to the Palestinians — to remain in the region to work to defuse tensions.

Blinken also said the US would oppose "anything" that undermines the two-state vision, including new settlement construction, legalizing settlement outposts, demolitions of Palestinian homes and incitement to violence.

"Restoring calm is our immediate task. But over the longer term, we have to do more than just lower tensions," he said. "The United States is committed to working toward our enduring goal of ensuring that Palestinians and Israelis enjoy equal measures of freedom, security, opportunity, justice and dignity."

In Ramallah, Abbas placed all blame for the spike in violence on Israel and berated the international community for not doing more to pressure Israel.

"We affirm that the Israeli government is responsible for what is happening today," he said, adding: "Israel is being overlooked, without deterrence or accountability, as it continues its unilateral operations."

He called for the "complete cessation" of those operations.

Netanyahu’s far-right government is dominated by hard-liners who oppose Palestinian statehood and are unlikely to make even minimal concessions.

Blinken’s visit comes amid one of the deadliest periods of fighting in years in the occupied West Bank and east Jerusalem. The violence has further complicated the administration's already difficult attempts to find common ground with Netanyahu's government.

In Ramallah, Blinken was expected to discuss the Palestinian Authority's decision to halt security coordination with Israel. The security ties, which in the past are believed to have helped contain violence, are deeply unpopular among everyday Palestinians.

Before heading to the West Bank, Blinken met with Israel's opposition leader, former Prime Minister Yair Lapid.

"The secretary conveyed his concern over the deteriorating security situation in the West Bank and the need for urgent action to prevent greater loss of life. Secretary Blinken reiterated that Israelis and Palestinians deserve to have equal measures of security, prosperity and freedom," his office said.

Following a meeting with Blinken on Monday, Netanyahu made only passing reference to the Palestinians and focused instead on Iran, which he believes is his most urgent security priority.

Netanyahu's coalition partners also gave a cool reception to Blinken's comments.

National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, leader of the ultranationalist Jewish Power party, vowed to push forward with punitive measures against the Palestinians in response to a pair of shootings in east Jerusalem over the weekend. Ben-Gvir has pledged to demolish Palestinian homes and hand out more weapons to Israeli civilians.

Cabinet Minister Orit Strock, another ultranationalist, objected to comments by Blinken that were seen as criticizing the Israeli government's plan to overhaul the country's judicial system and weaken the Supreme Court.

During his appearance with Netanyahu, Blinken voiced "support for core democratic principles and institutions," including "the equal administration of justice for all, the equal rights of minority groups, the rule of law." Critics say Netanyahu's plan will weaken the country's judicial system and destroy its democratic system of checks and balances.

Strok accused Blinken of meddling in internal Israeli affairs.

"We’re not the 51st or 52nd state of the US, and he didn’t need to interfere in internal disputes in the state of Israel," she told the Kan public broadcaster. "It’s not his job."

Before leaving Jerusalem for Ramallah, Blinken met with Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, who repeated the prime minister's concern about Iran.

"Your visit comes at a critical time," Gallant said. "It sends a clear message to the region: The United States and Israel are united facing Iran or anyone threatening peace and stability in the region."

Blinken agreed about the need for unity when confronting Iran and preventing it from acquiring nuclear weapons. He said the US commitment to Israel's security remains "ironclad" but suggested there was more on his agenda. "We have a lot on our hands in this moment and so I couldn’t see you at a better time," he said.

January has been the deadliest month in the West Bank and east Jerusalem in years. Some 35 Palestinians have been killed in fighting, including 10 killed in an Israeli military raid in the flashpoint town of Jenin on Thursday.

On Friday, a Palestinian gunman killed seven people outside a synagogue in an east Jerusalem settlement. The next morning, a 13-year-old Palestinian boy shot and wounded two Israelis elsewhere in east Jerusalem.

Israel’s options may be limited. Both shooters are believed to have acted individually and were not part of organized militant groups, and punitive steps against the broader population could risk triggering even more violence. Israel has also pledged to "strengthen" West Bank settlements.

The US, like most of the international community, considers Israeli settlements on lands claimed by the Palestinians for their state as obstacles to peace. However, the Biden administration has yet to restore a decades-old legal opinion that the settlements are "illegitimate" that had been rescinded under former President Donald Trump.

Nor has it made any progress on its stated intent to re-open the US Consulate in Jerusalem, which had been the main conduit for engagement with the Palestinians before Trump closed it. The closure was part of his decision to move the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to the contested city of Jerusalem, a step that infuriated the Palestinians.

The violence comes after months of Israeli arrest raids in the West Bank, which were launched after a wave of Palestinian attacks against Israelis in the spring of 2022 that killed 19 people.

But it has spiked this month during the first weeks of Netanyahu’s new far-right government.



Houthi Schools in Yemen Turned into Early Recruitment Camps

Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
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Houthi Schools in Yemen Turned into Early Recruitment Camps

Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)
Yemeni students attend morning assembly at a school in Sanaa (EPA)

Since rising to power in 2014, Yemen’s Houthi movement, Ansar Allah, has systematically entrenched itself within the education system, rewriting curricula, renaming schools, and embedding ideological programs.

Classrooms have become a frontline in a broader struggle over identity and influence, and a pipeline for recruiting young people.

As public schools were sidelined and weakened, the group built a parallel model, recasting education as a controlled, camp-like environment. At its core is a network branded “Martyr of the Quran Schools,” positioned as an alternative system.

Seizure and spread

The shift has been enforced on the ground. Public school buildings have been taken over and rebranded. Kamran School in Ibb, for example, was renamed under the new label. Other schools have been given the names of Houthi figures, a move educators say aims to replace the state’s education identity.

The expansion has also reached mosques, including the Grand Mosque in Dhamar, Al-Shamsiya School, and Al-Firdous Mosque in Sanaa’s Sawaan district, which have been repurposed into centers under the same banner.

Within three years, the model has spread across Houthi-held areas, moving beyond major cities into districts.

The schools operate as closed boarding schools, providing housing, food, and supplies while imposing a tightly controlled ideological framework. The name itself invokes the group’s founder, Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi.

From headline to pattern

On March 3, 2024, Houthi authorities said 3,000 students had graduated from the network.

The figure appears routine. But it reflects just two years of intensive, closed education, from a project that only began to take shape in 2022, underscoring the speed of expansion.

Houthi media say the model started with one school in Sanaa, then one per province, before spreading rapidly, especially in the capital.

Accounts suggest similarities with the system used by Hezbollah in Lebanon. Houthi officials frame the schools as part of the founder’s vision to produce generations “aware of the Quran” and able to confront cultural challenges.

Blurred structures

The schools carry the formal name “Martyr of the Quran Secondary Schools for Sharia Sciences,” but key details, including their legal basis and oversight, remain unclear.

References to a “republican decree” establishing them have surfaced, but no confirmed evidence exists. Reports also refer to boards of directors and links to education officials, yet the structure remains opaque.

An entity described as the General Administration of Secondary Schools for Sharia Sciences, reportedly led by Houthi figure Mohammed al-Tawqi within the education ministry, appears to be connected, though its exact role is unclear.

The group’s “General Mobilization” apparatus, tasked with recruitment and ideological training, is a constant presence. It operates directly under Houthi leadership and coordinates with religious bodies, mirroring models used by Hezbollah and Iran-aligned groups elsewhere.

No oversight

A teacher in Sanaa province, speaking anonymously, said the schools operate outside formal educational supervision. Curricula and programs are not published, leaving their content difficult to assess.

Management, he said, is tied to Ansar Allah’s cultural and educational offices, not standard education authorities.

Funding is similarly opaque. The schools are backed by the group’s resources, including levies and compulsory contributions, with Houthi media pointing to the Zakat Authority and the General Mobilization body as sources.

Recruitment and incentives

Each academic year, aligned with the Islamic calendar adopted by the group, enrollment opens to students aged 15 to 17 who have completed basic education.

Admission requires interviews and tests that assess ideological commitment and readiness for a full two-year residential program.

The incentives are clear: full accommodation, meals, clothing, and free tuition, alongside intensive daily programs described as faith-based.

The schools currently focus on secondary education, but expansion is underway. Graduates receive certification from an affiliated religious academy and can pursue further study or join institutions, including the group's military colleges.

A controlled day

Details of the curriculum remain scarce, but officials describe a rigid schedule. According to a school supervisor in Sanaa, the day starts at 4 a.m. with prayers and Quran study, followed by classes, then extended ideological sessions in the afternoon and evening.

Students study the writings of Hussein al-Houthi, attend lectures, and watch group-produced content as part of sustained indoctrination.

The program runs for two years in a closed setting, largely cut off from families.

Teachers are also drawn in. With public sector salaries disrupted, many join these schools, where pay is available, but they must first undergo ideological training.

Beyond the classroom

Activities extend beyond formal lessons. Students visit sites linked to Houthi leaders, including the grave of Hussein al-Houthi and that of Saleh al-Sammad, framed as “faith-building” experiences.

Annual events, including “Martyr’s Day,” feature speeches, marches, and staged combat scenes, reinforcing themes of jihad and allegiance.

A former teacher said the activities follow a structured program designed to build loyalty before academic learning. Students are trained in public speaking, media presence, and simulated combat, and take part in security-style exercises.

Militarization of school life

Military elements are integrated into daily life, with exposure to weapons and organized student parades, such as one held in Raymah province in February 2025.

School environments reinforce the messaging, with classrooms filled with images, slogans, and ideological language tied to the group.

“It is not an educational institution,” one teacher said. “It is a place to shape students.”

Pressure and withdrawal

A student in Sanaa province, identified as Sadiq, said he left after his father learned of the school’s ideological focus.

He described a reduced academic schedule, with only three classes a day, while the rest of the time is devoted to lectures.

“After the lecture, if a student cannot answer questions, he is beaten,” he said, adding that many stopped attending under the pressure.

Parallel system, uncertain future

The rise of these schools has created a parallel education track alongside the recognized system, leaving students exposed if conditions shift.

Houthi media promote student statements dismissing other schools as lacking real knowledge, reflecting a broader effort to discredit formal education.

Graduates emerge shaped by a strong ideological framework, raising questions about their academic and professional prospects and the long-term impact on Yemen.

Education, once a space for critical thinking and opportunity, is being recast as a tool of mobilization, reshaping a generation in line with a narrow ideological project.


Khamenei Message to Hezbollah Chief Reaffirms Ties, Sends Political Signals

A woman reacts as mourners gather on March 29, 2026, in the Choueifat area on the outskirts of Beirut during the funeral of journalists killed the previous day in an Israeli strike in south Lebanon. (Photo by ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
A woman reacts as mourners gather on March 29, 2026, in the Choueifat area on the outskirts of Beirut during the funeral of journalists killed the previous day in an Israeli strike in south Lebanon. (Photo by ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
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Khamenei Message to Hezbollah Chief Reaffirms Ties, Sends Political Signals

A woman reacts as mourners gather on March 29, 2026, in the Choueifat area on the outskirts of Beirut during the funeral of journalists killed the previous day in an Israeli strike in south Lebanon. (Photo by ibrahim AMRO / AFP)
A woman reacts as mourners gather on March 29, 2026, in the Choueifat area on the outskirts of Beirut during the funeral of journalists killed the previous day in an Israeli strike in south Lebanon. (Photo by ibrahim AMRO / AFP)

A message from Iran’s Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, to Hezbollah Secretary General Naim Qassem, thanking him for condolences over the death of his father, “leader of the Islamic Revolution,” came at a pivotal moment of regional escalation, giving it clear political weight and signaling messages to both domestic and foreign audiences.

The message reaffirms the depth of ties between Iran and Hezbollah, reinforces the group’s place within Tehran’s strategy, and signals a push to sustain open confrontation.

It made no reference to the Lebanese state, even as officials in Lebanon seek to “disassociate” from Iran after Hezbollah opened the southern front in support of Tehran. Authorities have taken steps in that direction, including expelling the Iranian ambassador and banning the group’s military wing.

“Reaffirming the obvious”

Lebanese ministerial sources described the message as “a reaffirmation of the obvious,” saying it “offers nothing new, but reinforces an established reality.”

“The relationship between Iran and Hezbollah has never been severed,” the sources told Asharq Al-Awsat, pointing to continued coordination and joint operations in the current war.

They said the message aligns fully with both sides’ declared positions, making it “a restatement of existing policy.” The core of the relationship, they added, is now explicit and entrenched, forming part of a fixed political landscape that goes beyond the traditional concept of the state.

One battle, with the US named as an enemy

Political analyst Ali al-Amine said the message underscores that Iran and Hezbollah see themselves as fighting a single battle against a common enemy, reflected in references to “steadfastness” against the United States and Israel.

He said the narrative, invoking Hezbollah and Iranian figures killed by Israel, reinforces a shared path and common fate in the war.

Al-Amine noted one sharper shift, the explicit placement of the United States alongside Israel as an equal enemy, highlighted in the closing reference to the “American-Zionist enemy.”

Khamenei told Qassem he is leading the movement at a defining moment in the resistance’s history, voicing confidence in his ability to defeat Israeli plans and restore pride to the Lebanese people.

He reaffirmed that Iran’s policy remains aligned with the path of the late imam and the “martyred leader,” pledging continued support for the resistance against Israel and the US.

Ignoring the Lebanese state, overlooking the cost

Al-Amine said the message pointedly omits any reference to the Lebanese state, addressing only the Lebanese people and speaking directly to Hezbollah.

“All the focus is on confrontation and the role of the party,” he said, with no acknowledgment of state authority or decision-making power.

He added that the message also overlooks the scale of destruction and displacement in Lebanon. More than one million people have been displaced, most from the Shiite community, including many Hezbollah supporters forced from their homes and scattered across the country.


‘Iran Data’ Guides Israel to Hezbollah Leaders in Lebanon

Firefighters extinguish blazes in cars hit by an Israeli strike in Beirut’s Jnah area at dawn Wednesday, killing Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem (AP)
Firefighters extinguish blazes in cars hit by an Israeli strike in Beirut’s Jnah area at dawn Wednesday, killing Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem (AP)
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‘Iran Data’ Guides Israel to Hezbollah Leaders in Lebanon

Firefighters extinguish blazes in cars hit by an Israeli strike in Beirut’s Jnah area at dawn Wednesday, killing Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem (AP)
Firefighters extinguish blazes in cars hit by an Israeli strike in Beirut’s Jnah area at dawn Wednesday, killing Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem (AP)

The assassination of senior Hezbollah commander Youssef Hashem at dawn on Wednesday has laid bare signs of security breaches the group had previously said it had resolved before the latest war.

It has also exposed a mix of advanced techniques and what sources describe as Israeli data originating from Iran, alongside the persistent role of human intelligence in tracking targets, security sources and experts told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Since the war began on March 2, Israel has carried out a string of assassinations targeting Hezbollah and Revolutionary Guards commanders on Lebanese soil, most notably Hashem, who was killed in a missile strike on a parking garage in the Jnah area on the outskirts of Beirut.

Emerging security factors

Security sources tracking the killings and the pursuit of Hezbollah members said the major breach that existed before the previous war, which erupted in September 2024 and ended in November that year, appeared largely absent at the outset of the current conflict.

They attributed this to a set of changes. Hezbollah tightened security measures, shifted communication methods, evacuated headquarters and apartments, and abandoned communication devices altogether.

Newly appointed figures replacing assassinated leaders were largely unknown. Israel, meanwhile, was unable to rebuild the intelligence database it had compiled over the years in the short window between the two wars. It also diverted attention to gathering intelligence from Iran, reflecting a shift in priorities.

As a result, assassinations declined in Lebanon in the early phase of the war, despite limited breaches that still enabled targeted strikes on senior figures, including Hashem, whom Israel identified as Hezbollah’s southern region commander.

People stand near a damaged van beside scattered debris following an Israeli strike in Beirut, Lebanon, Wednesday, April 1, 2026. (AP Photo/Hassan Ammar)

Non-Lebanese data sources

The sources said the most decisive factor in identifying targets lay in non-Lebanese data, pointing to an intelligence bank compiled from Iranian and Palestinian networks.

That pattern is reflected in the profiles and locations of those targeted.

Israel said on Monday it killed Hezbollah commander Ibrahim Rakin in a strike on an apartment in Beirut’s southern suburbs, describing him as the deputy commander of Unit 1800, responsible for supporting Palestinian militants and managing Hezbollah operations in countries neighboring Israel.

Israel also said it killed several Iranian figures in Lebanon, including two central commanders in the Lebanon Corps affiliated with the Quds Force of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards who were operating in Beirut, one of them in the Ramada Hotel in the Raouche area.

On March 11, the Israeli military said it had targeted Hisham Abdel Karim Yassin, describing him as a senior commander in Hezbollah’s communications unit and in the Palestine Corps affiliated with the Quds Force, the external arm of the Revolutionary Guards.

The sources said Israel’s Iran-based intelligence pool helped it track individuals inside Lebanon. Most targets maintained contact with Iranians, making them easier to trace through Iranian movements.

They added that Iranian figures killed early in the war were widely believed to have been carrying mobile phones, making them easier to locate and track, as were individuals linked to those handling the Palestinian file.

The pattern is not new. In the previous war, Hezbollah leaders were killed alongside Iranian figures, including a Revolutionary Guards official killed when Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah was assassinated, and another killed with Radwan force commanders on September 20, 2024, reinforcing indications that Israeli intelligence sources extend into Iran.

Another hypothesis suggests that Iranian, Palestinian, and Lebanese figures coordinating with them are compelled to use communication devices, exposing them to surveillance.

Foreign operatives also tend to move through populated areas with surveillance cameras, making them easier to track through camera infiltration.

The sources did not rule out human intelligence breaches, pointing to operatives working for Israel’s Mossad in Lebanon, Iran, or the Palestinian territories.

Separately, Israel said on Wednesday it killed the head of the engineering branch in the Lebanon Corps of the Quds Force in a strike in the Mahallat area in central Iran.

The Israeli military said its air force targeted engineer Mehdi Vafaei, who had led infrastructure projects in Lebanon and Syria for two decades.