Leila Khaled: Rafik Hariri Transferred Wadie Haddad’s Weapons to Europe

Palestinian PFLP Plane Hijacker Leila Khaled to Asharq Al-Awsat: A story of Mossad missiles, Jalal Talabani's reconnaissance trip and the services of Marouf Saad.

Leila Khaled (R) and the Editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Newspaper Ghassan Charbel (L) - AAWSAT
Leila Khaled (R) and the Editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Newspaper Ghassan Charbel (L) - AAWSAT
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Leila Khaled: Rafik Hariri Transferred Wadie Haddad’s Weapons to Europe

Leila Khaled (R) and the Editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Newspaper Ghassan Charbel (L) - AAWSAT
Leila Khaled (R) and the Editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Newspaper Ghassan Charbel (L) - AAWSAT

Episode One

Journalists sometimes fall into the trap of being drawn into the story of a thorny, sensual, or cruel man who has a remarkable role at a certain stage. The man’s name could be Vladimir Putin, Saddam Hussein, or Muammar Gaddafi.

I was attracted to stories shrouded in so much malice and mystery. That is how I spent years looking for features, stories, and details.

The story of another man, the Palestinian leader Wadie Haddad, whose name has been associated with hijacking planes and “chasing the enemy everywhere” had caught my attention.

In the 70s of the last century, Haddad, who was responsible for foreign operations at the “Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine,” shook the region and the world.

Operations launched by Haddad preoccupied political, security and media circles with two key stars: Carlos the Jackal, whose star shone after the kidnapping of the OPEC ministers in Vienna, and the second was the young Palestinian woman, Leila Khaled, who participated in the 1969 and 1970 hijackings of two planes.

In the summer of 2001, I published a lengthy investigation on Haddad, which also included Carlos’ responses to questions I sent to him in his French prison, where he still resides.

However, circumstances prevented Khaled from being involved in the matter.

Late Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, at that time, asked me why I was interested in Haddad's story, and I replied that it was out of journalistic curiosity. I was surprised that a busy prime minister would have enough time to read an interview of this kind.

I later heard from an informed source that during a visit to Haddad’s house in Beirut, a day after it was targeted in the summer of 1970 by Israeli shells, a young Lebanese man was taking part in removing shards of glass.

Curiosity got the better of me and I discovered after repeated attempts that the young man was Hariri. I had many doubts, because at that time Hariri was working in Saudi Arabia. But the source seemed confident of their statement since they knew Hariri personally.

Labneh Sandwiches

Years ago, poet and journalist Zahi Wehbe was giving an interview on Future TV, which Hariri owned, along with Leila Khaled.

During the interview, Wehbe received a call from Hariri's house in Quraitem Palace asking him to extend the ad period, which he did. During the break, Hariri called and asked to speak to Khaled.

“I am Rafik Hariri, the prime minister of Lebanon,” Hariri told Khaled.

“I do not know the Prime Minister of Lebanon. I know the old Rafik (Hariri),” replied Khaled. This is when Hariri requested that Khaled visit him at home.


Rafik Hariri (Getty) - Wadie Haddad - Jalal Talabani (Getty)

Khaled went with Wehbe, and Hariri met with them. They discussed the difficult conditions in Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon, and Khaled stressed the need to ease the restrictions on the lives of camp residents.

Hariri asked his guest if she still remembered the “labneh sandwiches,” and Khaled affirmed that she did.

Wehbe tried to inquire about the sandwiches, but Hariri stopped the conversation with a wave of his hand and moved on to another topic.

The “labneh sandwiches” was Hariri’s most confidential matter.

Hariri hid the secret from the closest people to him, and now the readers of Asharq Al-Awsat are learning about it half a century after it had happened.

To be honest, I did not go to Khaled's house in Amman to ask her about Hariri. I went to collect stories, especially since this woman is about to turn eighty without changing her convictions or regretting what she did.

Khaled unwittingly contributed to saving Haddad from death because of her presence in his apartment when it was targeted by Mossad shells in 1970. She was instructing him about an operation being prepared, keeping him outside the bedroom which was targeted in the attack that injured his wife and son.

When Khaled told me this, I remembered the young man who was said to have collected the shards of glass the next day. I asked her if she saw him the next day, and she replied that she was with Haddad’s family at the American University of Beirut Medical Center, and she did not know who came to the apartment.

When asked if she knew Hariri in those years, she replied: “Yes. I knew him because he lived with my brother during their studies at the Beirut Arab University.”

“A year before he was due to graduate, he came to my sister's house in Mazraa, Beirut.”

“He said he decided to go to work in Saudi Arabia.”

“We tried to persuade him to complete his studies, but he was not convinced.”

“If I remember well, this was in 1965 or soon after. He visited us later in Lebanon, met with Haddad, and got assigned the task of transporting weapons to Europe.”

I pretended not to be surprised and asked where and when he had transferred the weapons, and Khaled’s response was: “To Europe, and he did that more than once between 1970 and 1971.”

“At that time, he was working in Saudi Arabia. I am not aware of how Haddad was asking him to come to Lebanon. He was the one delivering the weapons. After 1972, we no longer saw him,” added Khaled.

I inquired if Hariri - despite his modest capabilities at the time - contributed to any financing for the group, and Khaled’s answer was: “I am not sure, all I witnessed was his assignment to transfer weapons.”

“The rule of thumb was that no one should know anything except for what they have to complete their mission.”

I asked about the reason for assigning Hariri a task of this kind while he was working in Saudi Arabia, and she replied: “I told you what I know. Perhaps because his passport did not arouse suspicion.”

Khaled refused to talk about how Hariri got the weapons to pass through the airports of France, Spain, and Germany.

The tape recorder was on and thoughts started racing through my mind. The young man who was assigned by Haddad to transport weapons to Europe will later appear to be an acceptable player on Arab and international levels.

Hariri would later visit the White House, the Kremlin, and 10 Downing Street. The Elysee master will break the protocol to dine at his Parisian home.

Hariri and Smuggling Publications to Syria

At that moment, I remembered what I heard two decades ago from Zaki Hillo, who worked with Haddad, when he told me that he knew Hariri. Hillo didn’t reveal much. He had trained to live in a world of secrets, and was the one who trained Carlos in marksmanship and small explosives.

I turned to those who accompanied Hariri in his early youth in his hometown of Sidon, southern Lebanon. They said Hariri was an enthusiastic young man who joined the “Movement of Arab Nationalists” as an activist.

At the movement, Hariri got acquainted with the names of George Habash and Haddad and got to know them later. His role was modest.

He participated in a committee headed by Haddad, which was concerned with providing facilities to some members of the movement, such as finding homes for rent and services of this kind. Hariri was also tasked with delivering the movement’s publications secretly to its members in Syria.

He chose to hide these leaflets in the vegetable trucks that were traveling from Sidon to the Syrian cities. Those days were the thread that linked Hariri to some of the movement's symbols before the birth of the “Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine” led by Habash.

Jalal Talabani on a Reconnaissance Mission

Khaled noticed that Haddad was skilled at using some friendships, especially with non-suspicious people, to play roles that serve his work. In this context, he once assigned a young Kurdish leftist to carry out reconnaissance missions in Europe.

I had heard years ago that this Kurdish youth later assumed a high position, so my suspicions went to the late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani.

Taking advantage of the opportunity to meet with him during his visit to Damascus, I asked him to confirm the story. He kindly wished not to focus too much on it “so that friends in the US would not say that the president of Iraq is a former terrorist.” Perhaps he was also avoiding saying that his trip was part of a plan to assassinate Shimon Peres.

The truth is that I was not surprised that Talabani played a role of this kind because of his upbringing, his inclinations, and his connections. But it is strange that Hariri transported weapons and that this role remained a secret for five decades.

Haddad used his friendships to serve his cause.

“He used to ask me to go to some personalities and friends, including a number of doctors, to get money from them to cover travel expenses and missions,” revealed Khaled.

“He used to tell me to tell them we want to buy travel tickets,” she explained.

“Once I went to Najib Abu Haidar (former Lebanese minister) and he asked me where Haddad wanted to travel. Of course, I replied, "I don't know."

“They would give us the money and we would buy the tickets.”

“Haddad was dependent on some of his relatives, including those who were at the head of a major company.”

Khaled tells how Haddad used to talk to his friends and relatives. He urged them to fund him because he was fighting for a Palestine that was for all.

“Their confidence in him and the justice of the case prompted them to be responsive,” clarified Khaled.

Another friend of Haddad that was not hesitant to offer his services was the representative of the city of Sidon in the Lebanese parliament, Marouf Saad. One day, Saad was asked to suggest a suitable place for a hijacked plane to land. Saad searched for a place that had Haddad’s approval, but Khaled was afraid that the place would be within reach of the Israeli warplanes, so the matter was dismissed. The search later moved outside Lebanon, and Khaled was tasked with recruiting members and training them to hijack planes, which she did.

Mossad Missiles Postponed the Honeymoon

I asked Khaled to tell the story of the assassination attempt on Haddad at the hands of the Mossad, because she was with him at the moment of the attack.

“Haddad was adhering to strict security measures and all his movements were surrounded by complete secrecy,” she recalled.

“However, they succeeded in hitting his apartment in Al-Zarif in Beirut with six missiles directed at the bedrooms at 2:00 am.”

“Fortunately, I was sitting with him in the dining room.”

“I had to travel in the morning, but I was supposed to write down the details of the operation that was supposed to lead me to Tel Aviv. I was writing the details to send to the leadership when the explosions went off.”

“I was thrust from my place, and we heard the screams of Hani, Haddad’s son.”

“Haddad was not injured, but shrapnel hit his son in more than one place.”

“The glass in the apartment shattered and we felt as if we were suffocating. The closet was on fire and was about to fall on Hani, who was lying in his bed.”

“Haddad came forward and I saw his hands were burning, but he was able to carry Hani and give him to me.”

“The boy was bleeding, so I picked him up. But I didn't know how to open the door.”

“Haddad came with his burning hands and grabbed the lock.”

“The missiles hit, especially the lower and upper floors, and I still remember Haddad’s sentence in those harsh conditions when he said: Their operation failed.”

Khaled added that Haddad had gone into the other room to bring his wife after collecting the papers of the operation’s details and placing them in his pocket.

“He came to his wife and asked her to get up.”

“When she discovered that her son was not near her, she started screaming.”

“I rushed to the hospital and started yelling after the staff demanded money before admitting Hani, knowing that he was bleeding on my hand.”

“I pushed the man who asked for the insurance, entered the hospital, and Haddad followed me with his wife.”

The plan, which was aborted because of the attack, was for Khaled to go with a fake passport to Tel Aviv to spend her honeymoon there, and then carry out the operation.

“In the hospital we had to think of a response, and I brought a book about the flights of Israeli planes to and from Tel Aviv.”

“I spotted three planes that can be hunted almost simultaneously. I presented the idea to Haddad and he liked it.”


General view of a mural of Leila Khaled, on the apartheid wall in Bethlehem, West Bank (Getty)

Did Haddad Die Poisoned

On March 28, 1978, Haddad took his last breath in a police hospital in East Berlin. The man of secrets was gone, leaving behind an outstanding mystery that decades have not succeeded in clearing.

Was he poisoned? No one has a definitive answer.

The painful symptoms that afflicted him in Iraq, Algeria and Berlin led him to believe that he had been subjected to an elaborate poisoning process, but the medical reports did not provide a decisive or definitive answer.

Haddad’s comrades tried to continue their activities after his death. However, a few years were enough to turn the page on foreign operations in the staggering absence of Haddad. Haddad was buried in Baghdad

Khaled mocks the claims of some Mossad agents that Haddad fell victim to the poisoned chocolates they sent him. She confirmed that Haddad “did not like chocolate.”

Haddad’s comrades locked the organization’s secrets in a safe and kept the key in a protected place. They are not in the habit of meeting journalists, leaking news, or selling secrets.

Khaled is a little different because she became a star and a symbol. She later assumed leadership positions in the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and participated in successive activities to enhance the role of Palestinian women.

Khaled was born in Haifa in 1944 and immigrated with her family to Lebanon after the Nakba. She resided in Tyre, Sidon and Beirut before later going to Kuwait.



How the Assad Regime Covered Up Its Crimes

Piles of ransacked papers in a room in Maher al-Assad's private office in the hills above Damascus. (AFP)
Piles of ransacked papers in a room in Maher al-Assad's private office in the hills above Damascus. (AFP)
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How the Assad Regime Covered Up Its Crimes

Piles of ransacked papers in a room in Maher al-Assad's private office in the hills above Damascus. (AFP)
Piles of ransacked papers in a room in Maher al-Assad's private office in the hills above Damascus. (AFP)

Thousands of documents and interviews with Assad-era officials reveal how the Syrian regime worked to conceal evidence of its atrocities during the civil war, according to a report published by The New York Times.

The heads of the security agencies arrived in convoys of black SUVs to Bashar al-Assad’s presidential palace, a maze of marble and stone on a hillside overlooking Damascus.

Leaks about his regime’s mass graves and torture facilities were mounting and top Syrian leaders wanted them to stop.

So, in the fall of 2018, they summoned Assad’s feared security chiefs to discuss how to cover their tracks better, according to two people briefed on the meeting.

One of the security officials proposed scrubbing the identities of Syrians who died in secret prisons from their records, the two people said, recalling what participants in the meeting had told them.

That way there would be no paper trail. Assad’s top security chief, Ali Mamlouk, agreed to consider the suggestion.

Forging evidence

Months after that meeting, security agencies began interfering with evidence of the regime’s crimes, an investigation by The New York Times found.

Some security officials doctored paperwork so deaths of detainees could not be traced back to the security branch in which they were imprisoned and died.

Some omitted details like the number of the branch and the detainee’s identification number. And top government officials ordered security agencies to forge confessions of prisoners who had died in their custody.

Written confessions, they reasoned, would give the government some legal cover for the mass deaths of detainees.

Top secret memos

The Times reviewed thousands of pages of internal Syrian documents, including memos marked “Top Secret,” many of which we photographed inside Syria’s most notorious security branches.

The newspaper also interviewed more than 50 security and political officials, interrogators, prison guards, forensic doctors, mass-grave workers and others government employees, many of whom helped verify the documents.

Taken collectively, the documents and accounts provide the most comprehensive picture to date of the regime’s efforts to evade accountability for its industrial-scale system of repression. They also offer a rare look at how a secretive dictatorship responded in real time to growing international isolation and pressure.

Under Assad’s rule, more than 100,000 people disappeared, according to the United Nations, more than in any other regime since the Nazis.

The documents show that the government went to elaborate, sometimes tedious lengths to cover it up. Officials held meetings to discuss public-relations messaging. They strategized about how to handle families whose loved ones had been imprisoned. They worried about paperwork that might be used against them if they ever faced prosecution.

From documentation to threats

Early in the war, security agencies kept meticulous records of their activities, and the Syrians who vanished in their custody. Every interrogation was transcribed, every death noted, every corpse photographed.

Then the records became a liability. In January 2014, images of more than 6,000 bodies from secret prisons, some bearing signs of torture, were smuggled out of the country by a Syrian military photographer, code-named Caesar.

The photos were the first detailed evidence of torture and executions by the Assad government since the war began. Months later, France submitted the images to the United Nations Security Council, which lent them greater legitimacy and raised the prospect that the regime would be charged with war crimes.

The Syrian security apparatus decided to mount a defense.

In August 2014, senior military, political and intelligence officials met with Syrian legal scholars to discuss their strategy, according to a memo viewed by The Times that described a meeting of the National Security Bureau, the coordinating hub for Syria’s intelligence and security agencies.

The Times verified the deliberations laid out in the memo with two former officials who were briefed on the discussions.

Over two days, according to the memo, the senior officials plotted to discredit the images. Because there were no names connected to the photos, they could argue that only a handful were of political prisoners and that many were opposition fighters killed in battle or petty criminals, the memo said.

The officials also advised others in the government to “avoid going into detail and avoid attempts to prove or deny any facts,” the memo said. They urged them instead to “undermine the credibility” of the leaker, Caesar.

The mass grave

Some of the most damning evidence of the regime’s crimes were the mass graves where it dumped prisoners’ bodies during the civil war.

The mass-grave operation in the capital was overseen by Col. Mazen Ismandar, who organized teams to pick up bodies from military hospitals in Damascus and then bury them in sites around the city, according to three of his former colleagues.

Ismandar was ordered to move all of the bodies to a new site, two of his former colleagues said.

That operation, which Reuters first reported in October, was carried out over the next two years. The team used excavators to dig up bodies, piled them into dump trucks and drove them to a site in the Dhumair desert, northeast of Damascus.

“There were civilians, people in military clothes, old people with white beards, people who were naked,” said Ahmad Ghazal, a mechanic in Dhumair city who frequently repaired the trucks and eventually got to know the drivers.

He often tried to get a look at the bodies, he said, in the hope of finding the remains of two cousins who disappeared in 2015. He never found them.

The downfall

When the United States passed the Caesar Act in late 2019, many hailed the sanctions as a step toward justice for the victims of war crimes by the Assad government.

But the sanctions appeared to have little deterrent effect.

Interrogators in two agencies, Branch 248 and the Air Force Intelligence Directorate, said that they and their colleagues had become still more ruthless with prisoners, because they were angry about the plummeting value of their salaries as the economy weakened, in part from sanctions.

Despite the cover-up efforts, by 2023 the regime’s crimes were catching up with it.

In April 2023, French criminal investigative judges issued arrest warrants for three senior Assad officials, including Mamlouk, for the torture, enforced disappearance and death of two Syrian French nationals.

Then, in December 2024, the regime quickly came crashing down.

The opposition coalition led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, now the Syrian president, swept into Damascus in a lightning advance.

Assad, Mamlouk, Hassan and other top officials fled to Russia.

Ismandar, the official in charge of the mass-grave operations, also fled. The night the fighters arrived, he pulled a wooden box from the locked cabinet behind his desk in his office, according to one of his aides. Inside were the identification cards of Syrian civilians who had died in custody or been executed. He handed out the IDs to some of his staff, believing they might help them escape, the aide said.

Ismandar remains at large.


How Israel’s Multi-Ton Truck Bombs Ripped Through Gaza City

Destroyed buildings after Israeli military operations in Gaza City, November 12, 2025. (Reuters)
Destroyed buildings after Israeli military operations in Gaza City, November 12, 2025. (Reuters)
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How Israel’s Multi-Ton Truck Bombs Ripped Through Gaza City

Destroyed buildings after Israeli military operations in Gaza City, November 12, 2025. (Reuters)
Destroyed buildings after Israeli military operations in Gaza City, November 12, 2025. (Reuters)

In the weeks before the Gaza ceasefire on October 10, Israel widely deployed a new weapon: M113 Armored Personnel Carriers repurposed to carry between 1 and 3 tons of explosives, Reuters found.

As Israeli troops pushed toward the center of Gaza City, these powerful bombs, along with airstrikes and armor-plated bulldozers, leveled swathes of buildings, drone footage and satellite images show.

In most cases, but not all, the inhabitants fled ahead of demolitions after Israeli warnings, residents, Israeli security sources and Gaza authorities said.

Hesham Mohammad Badawi’s five-storey home on Dawla Street in the affluent Tel-al-Hawa suburb, damaged by an airstrike earlier in the war, was completely destroyed by an APC explosion on September 14, he and a relative said, leaving him and 41 family members homeless.

Badawi, who was a few hundred meters away, said he heard at least five APCs detonate in roughly five-minute intervals. He said he received no ​evacuation warning before the demolition and family members escaped “by a miracle” amid explosions and heavy gunfire.

Several buildings in the same block were demolished around that time, satellite images show.

The family is now staying with relatives in different parts of the city, Badawi said, while he lives in a tent by his former home. Israel’s military did not respond to Reuters questions about the incident. Reuters could not establish what Israel targeted in the attack or independently verify all the details of Badawi’s account of the events.

When Reuters visited in November, remains of at least one of the vehicles were strewn among large piles of rubble.

"We could not believe this was our neighborhood, this was our street," Badawi said.

To compile a detailed account of the role of APC-based bombs by the Israeli military in Tel-al-Hawa and the neighboring Sabra district in the six weeks before the ceasefire, Reuters spoke to three Israeli security sources, a retired Israeli military brigadier, an Israeli reservist, Gazan authorities and three military experts.

Seven Gaza City residents said their homes or those of neighbors were levelled or severely damaged by the explosions, which several likened to an earthquake. Analysis of Reuters footage by two of the military experts confirmed wreckage of at least two exploded APCs among the rubble at sites in Gaza City.

Israel packed 1 to 3 tons of ordnance in APCs, three military experts estimated, based on cabin space and wreckage of vehicle armor. Some of the ordnance was likely non–military ammonium nitrate or emulsion, though without chemical testing that conclusion is not certain, they said.

Such a multi-ton explosion could approach an equivalent power to Israel’s largest airborne bombs, the 2,000-pound US-made Mark 84, said two experts, who examined Reuters footage of the blast area and vehicle remains.

It could scatter vehicle fragments hundreds of meters and break close-by exterior walls and building columns. The blast wave would be strong enough to potentially collapse a multi-storey building, they said.

HIGHLY UNUSUAL

APCs generally transport troops and equipment on the battlefield. The three military experts ‌consulted by Reuters said use of ‌the vehicles as bombs was highly unusual and risked excessive damage to civilian dwellings.

In response to detailed Reuters questions for this story, Israel’s military said it was committed to the rules of war. Regarding ‌allegations of ⁠destruction of civilian ​infrastructure, it said it used ‌what it called engineering equipment only for “essential operational purposes,” without disclosing further details.

Decisions are guided by military necessity, distinction, and proportionality, it said.

In an interview with Reuters in Gaza for this story, Hamas spokesman Hazem Qassem said Israel’s demolitions with armored vehicles were aimed at the large-scale displacement of the city's residents, which Israel has denied.

The reporting provides new evidence of the power of these low-tech weapons and how they came to be widely used.

Retired reservist Brigadier-General Amir Avivi, founder of the Israel Defense and Security Forum (IDSF), a think tank, called the weapon an “innovation of the Gaza War.” One of the security sources said its increasing use partly responded to US restrictions on transfers of heavy Mark-84 airborne bombs and Caterpillar bulldozers.

Israel’s military and Prime Minister’s Office also did not respond to questions about the reasons for the shift in tactics. The US State Department, White House and Department of War did not respond to Reuters questions for this story.

Before the war, Tel-al-Hawa and Sabra, a historic area of modest houses in south-central Gaza City, bustled with bakeries, shopping malls, mosques, banks and universities.

Now, large parts lie in ruins.

Satellite imagery analysis by Reuters showed that about 650 buildings in Sabra, Tel-al-Hawa and surrounding areas were destroyed in the six weeks between September 1 and October 11.

MILITARY NECESSITY?

Two international law scholars, the UN human rights office and two of the military experts who reviewed Reuters findings said use of such large explosives in dense residential urban areas may have failed one or more principles of humanitarian law that prohibit attacking civilian infrastructure and using disproportionate force.

"The basis that some of it may be booby-trapped" or once used by Hamas snipers is not enough to justify mass destruction, Ajith Sunghay, head of the UN Human Rights Office in ⁠the Occupied Palestinian Territory, told Reuters, referring to Israel’s allegation that Hamas placed improvised explosive devices in houses, which Hamas denies.

In some circumstances, buildings could lose legal protection and become targets if Israel had evidence Hamas used them for military advantage, said Afonso Seixas Nunes, Associate Professor in the School of Law at Saint Louis University.

Israel’s military did not respond to Reuters requests to provide such evidence.

If not the result of military necessity, the ‌demolition of civilian infrastructure could amount to wanton destruction of property, which is a war crime, Sunghay said.

The level of ruin reflects a broader trend: 81% of Gaza’s buildings suffered damage or destruction ‍during the war, according to the UN Satellite Center. The area including Gaza City experienced most damage since July, with approximately 5,600 newly affected structures, it said ‍in October.

In August, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told reporters Israel was packing tons of explosives into APCs because Hamas had placed explosive devices in “just about every single building” in evacuated areas.

"We detonate them, and they set off all the booby traps. That's why you see the destruction," Netanyahu said.

In response ‍to questions for this story, Qassem, the Hamas spokesman, denied booby trapping buildings, and said Hamas did not have the capacity to set devices at the scale Israel claimed.

FORCES ENTER GAZA CITY

Later in August, Israeli forces entered Gaza City with the declared aim of eliminating Hamas and freeing hostages held by fighters since the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel that triggered the war.

Israel ordered a full evacuation of the city in September.

As troops advanced, backed by tanks and airstrikes, they extensively damaged eastern suburbs before approaching central areas of the city, where most displaced people were sheltering.

Hundreds of thousands fled south. The UN estimated 600,000-700,000 people remained in the city.

Israel’s defense minister has said soldiers demolished 25 towers that Israel said had Hamas tunnels underneath or were used as lookout points. The UN human rights office says Israel has provided no evidence the buildings were military targets.

Among the destruction visible in Sabra, Tel-al-Hawa and South Rimal between September 1 and October 11, Reuters identified al-Roya tower, which housed the Palestinian Center for Human Rights, a prominent human rights office that worked with charity Christian ​Aid, and al-Roya 2, a mixture of business and flats, brought down by airstrikes on September 7 and 8.

Two wings of the Islamic University of Gaza and a mosque on the campus were destroyed. In one six-block corner of Tel-al-Hawa almost every building was demolished - more than 60 in total.

Beyond the two cases of APC explosions analyzed in detail for this story, and airstrikes on towers caught on video, Reuters could not establish what weapons Israel deployed to demolish buildings, or the total number of APCs detonated ⁠from August until the ceasefire.

Gaza’s Civil Defense spokesperson Mahmoud Basal said the army detonated hundreds of APCs in that period, as many as 20 daily. Israel’s military did not reply to a question on numbers.

BADAWI’S HOUSE

Among the buildings destroyed was Badawi’s family home of four decades, along with more than 20 neighboring buildings in the same period.

"We didn’t recognize this as our house," he said.

Two military experts said Reuters footage of the area showed remains of at least one detonated APC.

The explosion had torn one APC caterpillar track from its running gear and “physically thrown it onto the roof” of a multi-storey building, a retired senior British military bomb disposal officer said, noting that M113 tracks each weigh hundreds of kilograms.

A thick, ripped piece of metal and a wheel torn in half, both scattered at the property, were consistent with a detonation from within the APC, said Gareth Collett, a retired British Brigadier General and leading authority on explosives and bomb disposal. He said the large size of the fragments was indicative of a commercial low energy explosive.

THE RETURN OF THE M113

Bought from the US after the Yom Kippur War in the 1970s, thousands of M113s were deemed to insufficiently protect soldiers and were mothballed, military historian Yagil Henkin said.

FMC Corp, originally the M113’s primary manufacturer, did not respond to Reuters’ requests for comment about its use as a weapon and potential associated human rights concerns.

BAE Systems, which currently provides maintenance for the vehicle globally, did not reply to Reuters questions about Israel's new use of the M113 other than to say it currently had no direct military sales to the country. It said equipment it sold to the US government could reach other countries indirectly.

In May, Israel posted a public tender seeking to sell an unspecified number of M113s internationally, public documents show.

The tender was later cancelled, according to an undated posting on the Ministry of Defense website. The cancellation allowed Israel to scale up repurposing M113s, one of the security sources told Reuters. The military did not respond to Reuters’ questions about the tender.

The first media reports of an APC detonating in Gaza date to mid-2024.

Use accelerated this year when Israel rationed stocks after the US paused deliveries of Mark-84 bombs over concerns about the bombs use in residential areas, the source said.

CATERPILLAR D9

The increased role of APC-based bombs also coincided with shortages in Israel of US company Caterpillar's giant D9 bulldozer, long used by Israel’s military for demolition, one of the security sources said.

Hamas heavily targeted D9s earlier in the war, killing or injuring soldiers and damaging the vehicles, the source said. Alarmed by their use to demolish homes, the US paused D9 sales to Israel in November 2024, adding to the shortage. Under President Donald Trump, D9 transfers resumed.

Caterpillar did not respond to questions from Reuters about the military ‌use of its machines in Gaza demolitions and has not publicly commented on the matter.

Amid the shortages, the military began using other methods of demolition, including APCs, another of the security sources said.

Danny Orbach, an Israeli military historian, told Reuters demolitions were normal in war, made necessary in Gaza due to tunnels and booby traps. He said Israel’s military was underprepared for the complex fighting, leading to the conclusion there was “no other way to fight such a war except destroying all buildings above ground.”

Israel's military told Reuters targets were reviewed prior to attack and the munition selected “to achieve the military objective while minimizing collateral damage” to civilians and civilian infrastructure.


What to Know about China's Drills around Taiwan

A rocket launches from Pingtan island in eastern China's Fujian province, the closest point to Taiwan. ADEK BERRY / AFP
A rocket launches from Pingtan island in eastern China's Fujian province, the closest point to Taiwan. ADEK BERRY / AFP
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What to Know about China's Drills around Taiwan

A rocket launches from Pingtan island in eastern China's Fujian province, the closest point to Taiwan. ADEK BERRY / AFP
A rocket launches from Pingtan island in eastern China's Fujian province, the closest point to Taiwan. ADEK BERRY / AFP

China's military drills around Taiwan entered their second day on Tuesday, the sixth major maneuvers Beijing has held near the self-ruled island in recent years.

AFP breaks down what we know about the drills:

What are the drills about?

The ultimate cause is China's claim that Taiwan is part of its territory, an assertion Taipei rejects.

The two have been governed separately since the end of a civil war in 1949 saw Communist fighters take over most of China and their Nationalist enemies flee to Taiwan.

Beijing has refused to rule out using force to achieve its goal of "reunification" with the island of 23 million people.

It opposes countries having official ties with Taiwan and denounces any calls for independence.

China vowed "forceful measures" after Taipei said this month that its main security backer, the United States, had approved an $11 billion arms sale to the island.

After the drills began on Monday, Beijing warned "external forces" against arming the island, but did not name Washington.

China also recently rebuked Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi after she said the use of force against Taiwan could warrant a military response from Tokyo.

What do the drills look like?

Chinese authorities have published a map showing several large zones encircling Taiwan where the operations are taking place.

Code-named "Justice Mission 2025", they use live ammunition and involve army, navy, air and rocket forces.

They simulate a blockade of key Taiwanese ports including Keelung in the north and Kaohsiung in the south, according to a Chinese military spokesperson and state media.

They also focus on combat readiness patrols on sea and in the air, seizing "comprehensive" control over adversaries, and deterring aggression beyond the Taiwanese island chain.

China says it has deployed destroyers, frigates, fighters and bombers to simulate strikes and assaults on maritime targets.

Taipei detected 130 Chinese military aircraft near the island in the 24 hours to 6:00 am on Tuesday (2200 GMT on Monday), close to the record 153 it logged in October 2024.

It also detected 14 Chinese navy ships and eight unspecified government vessels over the same period.

AFP journalists stationed at China's closest point to Taiwan saw at least 10 rockets blast into the air on Tuesday morning.

How has Taiwan responded?

Taipei has condemned China's "disregard for international norms and the use of military intimidation".

Its military said it has deployed "appropriate forces" and "carried out a rapid response exercise".

President Lai Ching-te said China's drills were "absolutely not the actions a responsible major power should take".

But he said Taipei would "act responsibly, without escalating the conflict or provoking disputes".

US President Donald Trump has said he is not concerned about the drills.

How common are the drills?

This is China's sixth major round of maneuvers since 2022 when a visit to Taiwan by then-US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi enraged Beijing.

Such activities were rare before that but China and Taiwan have come close to war over the years, notably in 1958.

China last held large-scale live-fire drills in April, surprise maneuvers that Taipei condemned.

This time, Beijing is emphasizing "keeping foreign forces that might intervene at a distance from Taiwan", said Chieh Chung, a military expert at the island's Tamkang University.

What are analysts saying?

"China's main message is a warning to the United States and Japan not to attempt to intervene if the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) uses force against Taiwan," Chieh told AFP.

But the time frame signaled by Beijing "suggests a limited range of activities", said Ja Ian Chong, an associate professor at the National University of Singapore.

Falling support for China-friendly parties in Taiwan and Beijing's own army purges and slowing economy may also have motivated the drills, he said.

But the goal was still "to cow Taiwan and any others who might support them by demonstrating that Beijing's efforts to control Taiwan are unstoppable".