Analysts: China’s Role as Guarantor Will Test Commitment to Saudi-Iran Agreement

Musaad bin Mohammed Al Aiban, Minister of State and national security adviser of Saudi Arabia, Wang Yi, a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and director of the Office of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission, Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, sign the agreement in Beijing on Friday. (SPA)
Musaad bin Mohammed Al Aiban, Minister of State and national security adviser of Saudi Arabia, Wang Yi, a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and director of the Office of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission, Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, sign the agreement in Beijing on Friday. (SPA)
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Analysts: China’s Role as Guarantor Will Test Commitment to Saudi-Iran Agreement

Musaad bin Mohammed Al Aiban, Minister of State and national security adviser of Saudi Arabia, Wang Yi, a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and director of the Office of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission, Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, sign the agreement in Beijing on Friday. (SPA)
Musaad bin Mohammed Al Aiban, Minister of State and national security adviser of Saudi Arabia, Wang Yi, a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and director of the Office of the Central Foreign Affairs Commission, Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, sign the agreement in Beijing on Friday. (SPA)

Analysts said the China-sponsored agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran to restore relations must lead to stability, cooperation and peace in the region.

The agreement, however, demands a different type of Iranian commitment, they told Asharq Al-Awsat.

China’s role of guarantor will be fundamental in determining how serious Iran will commit to its pledges, they stressed.

Any wavering by Tehran in meeting its pledges will directly impact its ties with Beijing, they explained.

Yemen will be the first arena where the agreement will be really tested, they went on to say.

If the situation there improves in the next two months, then improvements will be witnessed in other more complex regional files.

Saudi writer Jasser al-Jasser said meddling was at the core of the problems between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

The problems were never on the bilateral level, he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“I believe that the negotiations will seek out clear stances and specific commitments from Iran over various files,” he added.

Friday’s most significant factor was the emergence of China as the guarantor of the agreement, he noted. “Iran is not reliable when it comes to meeting pledges, so Saudi Arabia appreciates China’s position given the strong relations they enjoy.”

China’s presence as a guarantor will test just how committed Iran is, al-Jasser remarked.

He predicted that the agreement will be soon put to the test in Yemen. This will be the fundamental beginning and determine how serious Iran is about its pledges.

If no progress is made in Yemen, then the agreement will be as good as over and it would be as if the ties were never restored, he stated.

On how come the agreement was struck this week and not years ago, he explained that Saudi Arabia’s stances had remained the same in recent years.

What changed was Iran’s commitment and the emergence of China as a guarantor, he noted.

"Worst case scenario, would be for Iran to renege on its commitments and the situation will return to the way it was. We have offered all options and opportunities to Iran and even foreign parties became involved,” said al-Jasser.

If Iran fails to meet its pledges, then its regime will be as good as over because its ties with China, and even Russia, will be impacted by its failure to commit, which would be interpreted as undermining of international commitments and relations, he said.

Moreover, he stated that the agreement was an “excellent” Saudi step that encourages cooperation, peace and stability with all parties.

It is an opportunity to Iran to prove just how serious - or not - it is, he remarked.

Saudi political analyst Dr. Khaled Batarafi told Asharq Al-Awsat that Saudi security was the first issue that was brought to the table at the talks with Iran.

He added that Iran’s destabilizing policies in the region may have also been addressed given that the security of the Gulf and Arab countries is closely tied to that of the Kingdom.

China’s presence as a guarantor demonstrates its strong relations with Riyadh and Tehran and its strategic interests in the region, he went on to say.



Harris Tries to Thread the Needle on Gaza After Meeting with Netanyahu 

US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
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Harris Tries to Thread the Needle on Gaza After Meeting with Netanyahu 

US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)
US Vice President Kamala Harris meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House grounds, in Washington, DC, US, July 25, 2024. (Reuters)

Vice President Kamala Harris, the likely Democratic nominee for president, is attempting to bridge divides within the party over the war in Gaza, emphasizing Israel's right to defend itself while also focusing on alleviating Palestinian suffering.

She delivered remarks after meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday that reflected a delicate balancing act on one of the country's most divisive political issues. Some Democrats have been critical of President Joe Biden's steadfast support for Israel despite the increasing death toll among Palestinians, and Harris is trying to unite her party for the election battle with Republican candidate Donald Trump.

"We cannot look away in the face of these tragedies," she said. "We cannot allow ourselves to become numb to the suffering. And I will not be silent."

Harris did not deviate from the administration's approach to the conflict, including grueling negotiations aimed at ending the fighting, releasing hostages held by Hamas and eventually rebuilding Gaza. She also said nothing about military assistance for Israel, which some Democrats want to cut.

Instead, she tried to refocus the conversation around mitigating the calamity in Gaza, and she used language intended to nudge Americans toward an elusive middle ground.

"The war in Gaza is not a binary issue," she said. "But too often, the conversation is binary when the reality is anything but."

In addition, Harris made a more explicit appeal to voters who have been frustrated by the ceaseless bloodshed, which began when Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7.

"To everyone who has been calling for a ceasefire, and to everyone who yearns for peace, I see you, and I hear you," she said.

Harris' meeting with Netanyahu was private, and she described it as "frank and constructive." She also emphasized her longtime support for Israel, which includes raising money to plant trees in the country when she was a young girl.

Jewish Americans traditionally lean Democratic, but Republicans have tried to make inroads. Trump claimed this week that Harris "is totally against the Jewish people" because she didn't attend Netanyahu's address to a joint meeting of Congress. The vice president was traveling in Indiana during the speech.

Harris is married to a Jewish man, Doug Emhoff, who has played an outspoken role in the administration's efforts to combat antisemitism.

Netanyahu did not speak publicly after his meeting with Harris. His trip was scheduled before Biden dropped his reelection bid, but the meeting with Harris was watched closely for clues to her views on Israel.

"She is in a tricky situation and walking a tightrope where she’s still the vice president and the president really is the one who leads on the foreign policy agenda," said Dearborn Mayor Abdullah Hammoud, a Democrat whose city is home to one of the largest Arab American communities in the nation. "But as the candidate, the presumptive nominee, she has to now create the space to differentiate in order for her to chart a new course."

Protesters gathered outside Union Station on the day of Netanyahu's speech, ripping down American flags and spray painting "Hamas is coming."

Harris sharply criticized those actions, saying there were "despicable acts by unpatriotic protesters and dangerous hate-fueled rhetoric. "

"I support the right to peacefully protest, but let’s be clear: Antisemitism, hate and violence of any kind have no place in our nation," she said in a statement.

As vice president, Harris has tried to show little daylight between herself and Biden. But David Rothkopf, a foreign policy writer who has met with her, said there's been "a noticeable difference in tone, particularly in regards to concern for the plight of innocent Palestinians."

The difference was on display in Selma, Alabama, in March, when Harris commemorated the anniversary of the Bloody Sunday march for voting rights in 1965.

During her speech, Harris said that "given the immense scale of suffering in Gaza, there must be an immediate ceasefire."

The audience broke out in applause. A few sentences later, Harris emphasized that it was up to Hamas to accept the deal that had been offered. But her demand for a ceasefire still resonated in ways that Biden's comments had not.

An AP-NORC poll conducted in June found that about 6 in 10 Democrats disapproved of the way Biden is handling the conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians. Roughly the same number said Israel's military response in Gaza had gone too far.

Israeli analysts said they doubted that Harris would present a dramatic shift in policies toward their country.

Chuck Freilich, a former Israeli deputy national security adviser and senior fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies, a Tel Aviv think tank, said Harris was from a generation of American politicians who felt they could both support Israel and publicly criticize its policies.

"The question is as president, what would she do?" Freilich said. "I think she would put considerably more pressure on Israel on the Palestinian issue overall."