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Israel Releases Arafat's Right Arm in the 'Karine-A' Ship Operation

File photo of oldest Palestinian prisoner, Fouad Shobaki.
File photo of oldest Palestinian prisoner, Fouad Shobaki.
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Israel Releases Arafat's Right Arm in the 'Karine-A' Ship Operation

File photo of oldest Palestinian prisoner, Fouad Shobaki.
File photo of oldest Palestinian prisoner, Fouad Shobaki.

Israel released the oldest Palestinian prisoner, Major General Fouad al-Shobaki, after 17 years behind bars on Monday.

Shobaki, 83, dubbed the sheikh of prisoners, was one of the close associates of the late Palestinian President Yasser Arafat and was considered his right-hand man and the confidant of his secrets.

The Israeli occupation accused Shobaki of being the mastermind behind an attempt to smuggle weapons into the Gaza Strip in 2002 on a ship, known as Karine-A, which was the reason for the isolation and siege of Arafat in Ramallah in 2002.

After his release, Shobaki went directly to Arafat's tomb in Ramallah to lay a wreath on the grave.

In 2006, Israel arrested Shobaki, claiming he financed the arms ship, which was intercepted by the Israeli army in the Red Sea at the beginning of 2002 in operation dubbed "Noah's Ark."

Israel said he funded the ship, which was equipped to arm the Palestinians during the second intifada and loaded with about 50 tons of weapons, including rockets, RPG launchers, and high-explosive materials.

Shobaki was a Major General in the Palestinian security forces, responsible for the central military and financial administration. He received orders from Arafat, who wanted to arm the security services and Fatah movement.

After taking control of the ship, Israel convinced the US administration that Arafat was a significant supporter of terrorism. Tel Aviv then received the green light to carry out Operation Defensive Shield in 2002, when it invaded the West Bank and besieged Arafat.

After four years, the occupation forces kidnapped Shobaki from a private prison in Areeha, where he was being held, according to an agreement supervised by the US and Britain.

He was arrested along with the Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Ahmed Saadat, Ahed Abu Ghulamy, Hamdi Qaraan, Basil Asmar, Majdi Al-Rimawi, and Yasser Abu Turki; a group belonging to the Popular Front whom "Israel" accuses of assassinating the Israeli Tourism Minister Rehavam Zeevi.

The occupation military court sentenced him to 20 years in prison, which was later reduced to 17 years.

Fouad al-Shobaki was born on March 12, 1940, in Gaza, in the al-Tuffah neighborhood. He holds a bachelor's degree in accounting from Cairo University.

He is a politician, a military general, and a member of the Fatah movement. He was one of the members of the Fatah movement who moved with Arafat to Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Tunisia, and then Gaza and Ramallah.

In 2011, Shobaki's wife died while he was in prison, and he married four of his six children, who gave birth to nine grandchildren whom he did not see.

Shobaki suffered from multiple health issues and looked tired while receiving medical care. He was transferred by an ambulance to the Tarqumia checkpoint, west of Hebron, where his family welcomed him before heading to Ramallah.

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Arab World

Kurdish Silence over Negotiations Paves Way for Conflict in Syria

Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
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Kurdish Silence over Negotiations Paves Way for Conflict in Syria

Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are facing limited options as they grapple with increasing pressure from Türkiye and Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) to disarm and transition into a political entity.
At the same time, the SDF is dealing with tensions involving rival Kurdish factions, raising fears of a potential escalation into armed conflict. Clashes are already threatening a fragile ceasefire in northeastern Syria.
Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, the balance of power in Syria has shifted significantly. Today, the SDF is facing an existential threat, despite US efforts to buy time and mediate agreements between the SDF and other actors in Syria.
Interviews conducted by Asharq Al-Awsat reveal that the SDF has so far failed to establish a negotiation channel with HTS or its leader, Ahmad al-Sharaa, who now heads the transitional government in Damascus.
Recently, SDF envoys were sent to Damascus in an attempt to hold meetings with members of the transitional government, but they were unsuccessful. These efforts have led the SDF to the conclusion that HTS has become the “de facto authority” in Syria.
A source involved in the transitional process told Asharq Al-Awsat that communication between the SDF and HTS was abruptly halted following the visit of Ibrahim Kalin, Türkiye’s intelligence chief, to Damascus on December 12, 2024. Before this, the contact between the two parties was reportedly exploratory in nature.
Sources close to the SDF believe that Ankara pressured the transitional government in Damascus to avoid engaging with the Kurdish faction, likely anticipating a policy shift when Donald Trump assumes the US presidency in January 2025. Türkiye appears determined to block the Biden administration’s attempts to normalize the SDF’s status, assuming that Trump will prioritize regional players—particularly Türkiye—in Syria.
A member of the Syrian transitional government confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat that a short-term ceasefire was recently agreed upon between the SDF and other conflicting parties in areas such as Manbij, Kobani, and others. However, he warned that the situation remains precarious, with fears that fighting could erupt at any moment. He added that HTS is seeking to disarm the SDF peacefully, noting that HTS itself is expected to lay down its weapons within the next two months as part of ongoing arrangements to form a unified Syrian army. The source emphasized that the SDF must follow suit.
Syrian activists warn that the issue of disarmament is likely to become a major flashpoint in Syria, not only with the SDF but also with other factions reluctant to surrender their weapons to either HTS or the still-forming Syrian state.
Clashes of varying intensity have already been reported in areas of contact between the SDF and the Turkish-backed National Army. Field sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that skirmishes have occurred in Manbij, near the Tishrin Dam, in Tall Tamr, and at various points along the M4 highway.
Ankara has increased its pressure on the SDF to disarm. On December 19, the Turkish Ministry of Defense reiterated its commitment to “taking measures to force terrorist organizations to lay down their weapons.”
Members of the SDF fear that the current escalation, coupled with the absence of political dialogue with the new Damascus government, could lead to major clashes, particularly in Kobani. Kurdish sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the SDF is willing to make concessions to Türkiye, such as maintaining only its internal security forces, known as Asayish, in Kobani.
In northeastern Syria, two key international players are actively involved: France and the United States. France is working to unify Kurdish factions under a proposed framework, while the US is focused on extending the fragile ceasefire until a regional agreement can determine the SDF’s role in the new political order.
An earlier US-brokered agreement allowed the SDF to retain positions east of the Euphrates while ceding areas west of the river to Arab tribes. However, reports suggest that the SDF has withdrawn from some areas due to pressure from Arab tribes.
French delegations have visited SDF-controlled areas to encourage Kurdish factions to draft a unified agreement. On December 18, representatives from the SDF, the Kurdish National Council (KNC), and self-described “independent” Kurdish groups met to negotiate. However, according to sources in Hasakah, Qamishli, and Erbil (in Iraqi Kurdistan), the meeting failed to yield an initial agreement.
Kurdish activists have proposed three key measures for aligning the SDF with the new phase in Syria: renaming the SDF as a military force under the new Ministry of Defense, severing ties with Qandil (northern Iraq) and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and repatriating non-Syrian Kurdish fighters to their home countries.
However, the SDF reportedly opposes these conditions, preferring to negotiate directly with Türkiye or HTS rather than make concessions to other Kurdish factions within Syria. This stance could lead to internal conflicts over which group will represent Kurdish interests in the evolving Syrian political landscape.
When asked by Asharq Al-Awsat about potential dialogues with the KNC or their proposals, SDF spokesperson Farhad Shami declined to comment.
Members of the factions now in power in Damascus suggest that the SDF’s challenges extend beyond disarmament. One issue is its prior alignment with the ousted Assad regime, which undermines its position in the transitional phase.
A senior Kurdish official in Iraq, speaking anonymously, noted that the SDF’s options have significantly diminished following the withdrawal of Shiite factions and the defection of Arab allies from its ranks. These developments have reduced the SDF’s territorial control.
The official argued that while the SDF continues to rely on US support, Türkiye has become the dominant player in the Syrian arena. Many Kurds fear that escalating tensions in northeastern Syria could result in infighting among Kurdish groups, particularly as they struggle to find a unified approach.
Although Ankara appears poised to make further moves into Kurdish areas, such actions would likely provoke a direct challenge to US interests in the region.