Differences over Implementation of Political Agreement Delays Iraq Budget Approval

Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Mohammed Shia al-Sudani speaks during a vote at the parliament in Baghdad, Iraq, October 27, 2022. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS
Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Mohammed Shia al-Sudani speaks during a vote at the parliament in Baghdad, Iraq, October 27, 2022. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS
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Differences over Implementation of Political Agreement Delays Iraq Budget Approval

Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Mohammed Shia al-Sudani speaks during a vote at the parliament in Baghdad, Iraq, October 27, 2022. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS
Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Mohammed Shia al-Sudani speaks during a vote at the parliament in Baghdad, Iraq, October 27, 2022. Iraqi Prime Minister Media Office/Handout via REUTERS

The approval of the Iraqi budget is likely to be delayed until sharp differences are resolved between the Sunni and Shiite parties over the implementation of the political agreement that led to the formation of the government of Mohammad Shia al-Sudani.

The agreement, which brought together the Coordinating Framework with Sunni and Shiite parties, included a comprehensive settlement of controversial files, such as the budget and the amendment of laws, most notably the general amnesty, accountability, and justice.

In the event of the failure to implement the agreement, the deal that led to the formation of the government will collapse, as stated by deputies from the Sunni parties.

According to political sources, the adoption of the budget could be hindered with the collapse of the agreement. In fact, the leaders of the Coordination Framework requested to review the law, and reduced the ceiling of the demands agreed upon with the Progress Party, which is headed by Speaker of Parliament Mohammad al-Halbousi.

With Parliament’s attempts to pass the budget law, the Sunni parties received indications from the Coordination Framework that the latter went back on the political agreement. These indications were strengthened following a decision by the leader of the State of Law Coalition, Nuri al-Maliki, and the head of the Badr Organization, Hadi al-Amiri, to review the agreement with the Sunni forces, before forming the government, as reported by well-informed sources.

According to the information, “Al-Maliki and Al-Amiri believe that the political agreement offered great concessions to the Sunni forces,” and that the “time has come to lower the ceiling, before approving the budget.”

However, the desire of the Shiite parties to amend the terms of the government agreement does not enjoy unanimity among the Coordination Framework, as some parties fear it would shake the balance that Sudani’s government needs to survive.

In parallel, sources noted that the leader of Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq movement, Qais Khazali, received a warning from Tehran against “hampering the required partnerships, at a sensitive time in the region”, and emphasizing the need for calm.

The Progress Party fears that strategic projects for the reconstruction of liberated cities will be disrupted, as a result of manipulation of its share in the financial budget, which was initially agreed upon with the Coordination Framework.



Iraqis Face Tough Homecoming a Decade after ISIS Rampage

A woman and a boy in the camp near Hassan Shami for the internally displaced. Safin HAMID / AFP
A woman and a boy in the camp near Hassan Shami for the internally displaced. Safin HAMID / AFP
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Iraqis Face Tough Homecoming a Decade after ISIS Rampage

A woman and a boy in the camp near Hassan Shami for the internally displaced. Safin HAMID / AFP
A woman and a boy in the camp near Hassan Shami for the internally displaced. Safin HAMID / AFP

A decade after the ISIS group extremists rampaged through northern Iraq, Moaz Fadhil and his eight children finally returned to their village after languishing for years in a displacement camp.
Their home, Hassan Shami, is just a stone's throw from the tent city where they had been living, and it still bears the scars of the fight against ISIS.
The militants seized a third of Iraq, ruling their self-declared "caliphate" with an iron fist, before an international coalition wrestled control from them in 2017.
Seven years on, many of the village's homes are still in ruins and lacking essential services, but Fadhil said he felt an "indescribable joy" upon moving back in August.
Iraq -- marred by decades of war and turmoil even before the rise of ISIS -- is home to more than a million internally displaced people.
Baghdad has been pushing for the closure of the displacement camps, with the country having attained a degree of comparative stability in recent years.
Most of the camps in federal Iraq have now been closed, but around 20 remain in the northern autonomous Kurdistan region, which according to the United Nations house more than 115,000 displaced people.
But for many, actually returning home can be a difficult task.
After getting the green light from Kurdish security forces to leave the camp, Fadhil moved his family into a friend's damaged house because his own is a complete ruin.
'Beautiful memories'
"Water arrives by tanker trucks and there is no electricity," said the 53-year-old.
Although the rubble has been cleared from the structure he now lives in, the cinder block walls and rough concrete floors remain bare.
Across Hassan Shami, half-collapsed houses sit next to concrete buildings under construction by those residents who can afford to rebuild.
Some have installed solar panels to power their new lives.
A small new mosque stands, starkly white, beside an asphalt road.
"I was born here, and before me my father and mother," said Fadhil, an unemployed farmer.
"I have beautiful memories with my children, my parents."
The family survives mainly on the modest income brought in by his eldest son, who works as a day laborer on building sites.
"Every four or five days he works a day" for about $8, said Fadhil.
In an effort to close the camps and facilitate returns, Iraqi authorities are offering families around $3,000 to go back to their places of origin.
To do so, displaced people must also get security clearance -- to ensure they are not wanted for extremist crimes -- and have their identity papers or property rights in order.
But of the 11,000 displaced people still living in six displacement camps near Hassan Shami, 600 are former prisoners, according to the UN.
They were released after serving up to five years for crimes related to membership of ISIS.
Not that simple
For them, going home can mean further complications.
There's the risk of ostracism by neighbors or tribes for their perceived affiliation with IS atrocities, potential arrest at a checkpoint by federal forces or even a second trial.
Among them is 32-year-old Rashid, who asked that we use a pseudonym because of his previous imprisonment in Kurdistan for belonging to the extremist ISIS group.
He said he hopes the camp next to Hassan Shami does not close.
"I have a certificate of release (from prison), everything is in order... But I can't go back there", he said of federal Iraq.
"If I go back it's 20 years" in jail, he added, worried that he would be tried again in an Iraqi court.
Ali Abbas, spokesperson for Iraq's migration ministry, said that those who committed crimes may indeed face trial after they leave the camps.
"No one can prevent justice from doing its job", he said, claiming that their families would not face repercussions.
The government is working to ensure that families who return have access to basic services, Abbas added.
In recent months, Baghdad has repeatedly tried to set deadlines for Kurdistan to close the camps, even suing leaders of the autonomous region before finally opting for cooperation over coercion.
Imrul Islam of the Norwegian Refugee Council said displacement camps by definition are supposed to be temporary, but warned against their hasty closure.
When people return, "you need schools. You need hospitals. You need roads. And you need working markets that provide opportunities for livelihoods," he said.
Without these, he said, many families who try to resettle in their home towns would end up returning to the camps.