Lebanon Develops Plan to Deport Syrian Prisoners

A photo released by the Lebanese Internal Security Forces shows prisoners performing Eid al-Fitr prayers in Roumieh jail. (ISF on Twitter)
A photo released by the Lebanese Internal Security Forces shows prisoners performing Eid al-Fitr prayers in Roumieh jail. (ISF on Twitter)
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Lebanon Develops Plan to Deport Syrian Prisoners

A photo released by the Lebanese Internal Security Forces shows prisoners performing Eid al-Fitr prayers in Roumieh jail. (ISF on Twitter)
A photo released by the Lebanese Internal Security Forces shows prisoners performing Eid al-Fitr prayers in Roumieh jail. (ISF on Twitter)

The Lebanese caretaker government of Prime Minister Najib Mikati has developed a plan to deport Syrian prisoners, despite faltering in developing political and legal mechanisms to return the displaced back to their home country.

The ministerial committee tasked with following up on the return of the displaced tasked Justice Minister Henry al-Khoury with discussing the possibility of turning over Syrian detainees to their country immediately, according to relevant laws and agreements.

Khoury told Asharq Al-Awsat that the return of Syrian prisoners in Lebanon to their country is a "sensitive issue and should not be dealt with hastily."

There are 1,800 Syrians, who have committed criminal offenses, in Lebanese prisons, 82 percent of whom have not completed their trials.

The Minister explained that the issue of Syrian prisoners requires careful legal consideration, and if the prisoner also has a pending judicial case in Syria, the procedures may be easier to transfer them and complete their trial in their country.

However, if the detainee does not have a case in Syria, once released, they might return to Lebanon illegally, warned Khoury.

He said a ministerial and technical delegation will visit Syria to discuss the return of the displaced, but the detainees and convicts' issue is still under consideration.

A source familiar with the prison issue told Asharq Al-Awsat that dozens of pre-trial detainees are awaiting judicial verdicts, including 143 Syrian minors, in Lebanese jails.

A security source concerned with the prison file admitted that thousands of Syrians in Lebanese prisons are deepening the prison crisis and are a burden on state resources.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, the source, who declined to be named, believed that the deportation of prisoners is usually linked to agreements signed between two countries.

He noted that it was a complex issue and difficult to resolve, questioning the process of returning convicts and detainees while the state has yet to come up with a mechanism to return the displaced.

Lawyer and human rights activist Diyala Shehadeh stressed that Lebanon is committed to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, she warned against violating the laws that must be followed in repatriating detainees, as it requires the concerned country to submit an extradition request.

Shehadeh cautioned that handing over these prisoners may expose them to persecution and physical and economic harm and the possibility of their involvement in the armed conflict, whether through forced conscription or by joining armed factions.



Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
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Uncertain Future for the PFLP-GC in Post-Assad Syria

Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 
Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in Damascus on April 18 (AP) 

The brief detention of Talal Naji, Secretary-General of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), by Syrian authorities has renewed scrutiny over the status of Palestinian factions still operating in Syria, particularly those that aligned with the former Assad regime.

Naji’s arrest and swift release come amid a major political realignment following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s government in December 2024. Once one of the most active and heavily armed Palestinian groups in Syria, the PFLP-GC now faces an uncertain future, along with other factions that were long tolerated—or even supported—under Assad’s rule.

A well-informed Palestinian source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the new Syrian administration has appointed a figure known as Abu Abdul Rahman al-Shami to oversee the file of Palestinian factions. Since assuming the role, al-Shami has convened multiple meetings with faction representatives, including regular attendees from the PFLP-GC, to discuss the fate of their fighters, weapons, property, and military infrastructure.

According to the source, al-Shami has made it clear that the new government intends to hold accountable any individuals or groups implicated in crimes against Syrian civilians during the civil war. Palestinian factions have been instructed to surrender all weapons and military equipment, and to limit their activities to humanitarian and relief work. The PFLP-GC, the source said, has largely complied.

Despite the fall of the Assad regime, Naji and much of the PFLP-GC’s second- and third-tier leadership have remained in Syria. Its offices in Damascus reportedly continue to operate, though under heightened scrutiny. Other faction leaders, however, have fled. Among them are Khaled Abdul Majid (Popular Struggle Front), Ziyad al-Saghir (Fatah–Intifada), Mohammad al-Saeed (Liwa al-Quds), and Saed Abdel Al (Free Palestine Movement). Most are believed to have sought refuge in Lebanon.

Sources confirmed that several PFLP-GC fighters have been detained in recent weeks in connection with alleged war crimes committed during their cooperation with Assad’s forces. The Syrian government has also moved to seize faction offices and military installations across the country, including properties belonging to Fatah–Intifada, the Free Palestine Movement, and the Sa’iqa Forces. Sa’iqa’s leader, Mohammad Qais, remains in Syria.

In a further blow, authorities have reportedly frozen bank accounts belonging to some Palestinian factions, both in state and private banks, although it remains unclear whether the PFLP-GC is among them.

Additionally, it is widely believed that the PFLP-GC has handed over its military training camps, which were previously spread across Damascus countryside, Daraa, Aleppo, and Suwayda. “The situation is extremely sensitive, and everyone is anxious,” one Palestinian source told Asharq Al-Awsat. “It’s likely they’ve surrendered those sites.”

The sense of unease deepened last month when Syrian authorities detained two senior Islamic Jihad officials in Damascus: Khaled Khaled, head of the group’s Syria bureau, and Abu Ali Yasser, its chief organizational officer. Both remain in custody, and no official charges have been announced.

The current atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has driven faction leaders to avoid public comment. Most now insist on anonymity when speaking to local or international media.

Before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising in March 2011, Syria hosted more than a dozen Palestinian factions. As the conflict escalated, the Assad regime encouraged the formation of new pro-regime groups, composed largely of Palestinian refugees, to fight alongside its forces.