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Tareck El Aissami… Venezuela’s Next President?

Tarek El Aissami. (Getty Images)
Tarek El Aissami. (Getty Images)
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Tareck El Aissami… Venezuela’s Next President?

Tarek El Aissami. (Getty Images)
Tarek El Aissami. (Getty Images)

Perhaps “state of doubt” could be the term that most accurately describes the current situation in Venezuela, this Latin American country that used to be one of the richest in the world due to is massive oil reserves. Now, the country is suffering from a major economic and political crisis, whose outcome is difficult to predict.

Up until 1999, Venezuela had been ruled by the right and centrist wings, but that year, the system was toppled by late leader Hugo Chavez, who brought about a new “21st century socialism.” The system was kept in place by his successor Nicolas Maduro, who is now facing one of the worst economic and social crises in the modern history of South America.

Many have turned to the Venezuelan president’s second in command, Tareck El Aissami.

Many see the Syrian native as Maduro’s potential successor, describing him as the strong “man in the shadows”, who has found himself in the spotlight.

Socialist Maduro is facing daily opposition protests by the citizens against his government. The leader has however sought to escape his current problems with the formation earlier this week of the Constituent Assembly that has the power to rewrite the constitution. Clearly, Maduro is seeking to weaken the opposition-controlled parliament through the formation of this assembly. The parliament is controlled by the liberal right opposition that is backed by some neighboring countries, and more importantly, the United States and European Union.

The outlook for Venezuela seems complicated as the economic crisis has led to a major shortage in food and medicine and amid a political crisis that observers believe will take a long time to be resolved. At a time when the leftist government is keen to tighten its grip on power, it seems that negotiations between it and the opposition will not be possible at this moment given the rising death toll in the protests that have raged for months. The opposition itself seems divided over a number of issues, but they are united over their desire to overthrow Maduro.

Options for change

Despite all this, many observers believe that the options for change in Venezuela lie either through a real negotiation process that would lead to a middle ground that appeases the government or opposition. This could take the form of the establishment of a transitional government or an overhaul of the cabinet and system of governance.

The armed forces, however, are a central component of any possible change in the country, noted experts. Chavez, who led the 1999 socialist revolt, was an army officer. Today, many active and retired officers hold government positions.

Vice President and Interior Minister Aissami is one of the non-military “graduates of the Chavez school”, who can replace Maduro.

As commander of the defense and security council of Venezuela, Aissami is responsible for national defense and the strategy of maintaining internal security in the face of protests and disturbances. He is in fact the second man in the pyramid of power in the South American country.

Despite this, analysts and researchers in the US and Colombia, Venezuela’s “right-wing” neighbor, have not ceased their campaign of accusing him of all sorts of charges, ranging from money-laundering to corruption to supporting terrorism. These are all claims that Aissami has denied and which he considers to be an integral part of the political war that Washington is waging against the leftist system in Caracas.

Profile

Tareck Zeidan El Aissami was born on November 12, 1974 in El Vigía, Mérida in western Venezuela. He is the son of a Druze immigrant family that came from Syria’s Sweida region. He was born to Zeidan “Carlos” Amin El Aissami and a mother from the Lebanese Maddah family. He grew up among five children, is now married and has two children of his own.

During his youth, Aissami became a member of the local Arab Baath socialist party in Venezuela. He was a supporter of Chavez during his failed coup in February 1992.

He is also a direct blood relative of Shibli Aissami, general aide of the popular command of the Iraqi branch of the Baath Party.

The Aissami family originally hails from the town of Amtan in the southern Syrian district of Sweida and the town of Hasbaya in southeast Lebanon. Aissam is the name of a small village that lies on the eastern foothills of Jabal al-Sheikh (Mount Hermon) in western Syria.

His mother’s Maddah family hails from the town of Maymas in Hasbaya in southeast Lebanon.

Radical student activity

Tareck El Aissami attended the University of the Andes (ULA) in Mérida where he studied law and criminology. While still a student, he met Adan Chavez, former minister of education (from 2007-2008) and the older brother of the future President Hugo Chavez. Influenced by the older Chavez, he soon became close to him and became active in leftist student groups that are inspired by revolutionary movements. Aissami soon joined the Utopia leftist student movement and eventually was elected head of the university’s student union.

A few days after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Tareck and his father Zeidan attended a press conference by the Iraqi ambassador to Venezuela to voice their solidarity with the Iraqi people. That year marked the beginning of Tareck El Aissami’s relationship with Hugo Chavez. During his post graduate studies, Aissami, began supporting Chavez's Fifth Republic Movement. He continued to bolster his ties with Chavez following his graduation and many of the friends he made during his university years went on to assume government positions under the late leader’s rule.

Aissami kicked off his rapid political rise after the success of Chavez’s 1999 and 2013 “revolt”. He was elected to parliament in 2005 and in 2007 was appointed deputy interior minister for citizen security.

His major political leap however took place in 2008 when Chavez appointed him interior and defense minister. He retained these two portfolios even after being elected governor of the state of Aragua in 2012.

After Chavez’s death and Maduro’s ascension to power in 2013, Aissami remained a key figure in political life and he was chosen as vice president in January 2017.

A Colombian academic pointed out that the constitution does not grant the president of Venezuela power over security agencies. Aissami is in fact the real head of national security and defense through his command of the defense and security council.

Accusations and denial

Along with his rise in the political ranks, western intelligence, political and economic circles were attempting to charge Aissami with all sorts of accusations. Director of the Center for a Secure Free Society and security and terrorism expert Joseph Humire accused Aissami and First Lady Cilia Flores of running a major criminal organization in the Venezuelan government.

Aissami’s appointment as vice president was considered “very controversial” on the local and international scenes due to his alleged connections to drug trafficking and terrorism, said Humire. Aissami’s role in drug trafficking came to the forefront in 2010 after the arrest of Walid Maklad, a major drug trafficker. The Venezuelan of Syrian origins was arrested in Colombia.

Maklad alleged at the time that the Venezuelan government also had ties with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), organized crime and drugs smuggling operations.

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Features

Afghans Come Home But Risk Exclusion Without any ID

Most of the 6.1 million Afghan returnees who have arrived from Pakistan and Iran since September 2023 are listed as undocumented. Aimal ZAHIR / AFP
Most of the 6.1 million Afghan returnees who have arrived from Pakistan and Iran since September 2023 are listed as undocumented. Aimal ZAHIR / AFP
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Afghans Come Home But Risk Exclusion Without any ID

Most of the 6.1 million Afghan returnees who have arrived from Pakistan and Iran since September 2023 are listed as undocumented. Aimal ZAHIR / AFP
Most of the 6.1 million Afghan returnees who have arrived from Pakistan and Iran since September 2023 are listed as undocumented. Aimal ZAHIR / AFP

Lugging suitcases across the border after packing up in Pakistan, Afghans are returning home with their worldly possessions but often lack one key item to restart their lives: an identity card.

On the Afghan side of the Torkham border crossing, children and adults wheeled their luggage or carried belongings atop their heads, as they moved from desk to desk to log their arrival, reported AFP.

"I don't know how and where to get the ID card; now I'll go and check," said 17-year-old Abdulrehman Sudais, standing beside a crate of chickens he had carried across the border for his mother.

The Pakistan-born teenager had been to Afghanistan just once before, but his cousin had already told him he would need ID to access work or education.

Out of 6.1 million Afghan returnees who have arrived from Pakistan and Iran since September 2023, more than 86 percent are listed as undocumented by the International Organization for Migration (IOM).

At the crossing point, which still bears the shrapnel marks of this year's war between the neighboring countries, officials and aid workers were taking down everyone's details.

While border officials contact authorities nationwide to verify the identity of those who don't have any form of ID, the process for newly arrived Afghans can be bewildering.

Sardar Khan, 41, was sitting in a large tent at Omari camp near the crossing, where people get a return certificate and are fingerprinted.

"We are blind; we don't know what to do," he told AFP, as his son fell asleep at his side.

"We've never been to Afghanistan before; we'll get to know the importance of ID cards," he said.

As well as a requirement for getting a job or school place, an ID card is essential for Afghans trying to prove they own land or a home, claiming inheritance, accessing state benefits, and travelling through the myriad of checkpoints across the country.

Outside the tent, as the temperature hit 40C, people waiting to be processed huddled in the limited shade available.

Ziad Salih, regional coordinator at IOM, described the ID card as "one of the essential pieces of the puzzle" for Afghans.

"Many returnees are arriving without a valid ID document and this is placing them at risk of administrative and social exclusion," he told AFP at the agency's Torkham transit center.

Afghanistan's Ministry of Refugees and Repatriation Affairs did not respond to AFP's request to comment on the documentation issue.

'Difficult decisions'

Near the Torkham crossing, colorful trucks were piled high with families' furniture and other possessions from Pakistan.

Once Afghans reach their destination -- often the places their relatives fled years ago -- organizations have helplines and projects to support them with their paperwork.

Murat Khan Safi, an octogenarian who returned a few months ago, found rooms to rent on the outskirts of Jalalabad, the closest city to the border crossing.

"We were given a number at Torkham, then we contacted WADAN, and we made the ID cards," he told AFP, referring to the Welfare Association for the Development of Afghanistan that works with the UN refugee agency (UNHCR).

Surrounded by sons and grandsons under a clattering ceiling fan, Safi showed the tattered identity document he has kept since fleeing the Soviet occupation more than four decades ago.

Processing the new ID cards only took a couple of days, he said, but paying a fee of 500 Afghanis ($7.80) for each relative was hard.

"I made some difficult decisions... I had to sell household belongings," said Safi, his white beard matching the color of his clothes.

The family has been reimbursed for the ID card fees by the Welfare Association, and is due to receive additional support.

In June, the United Nations launched an initiative that aims to help Afghans get 1.5 million identity documents over the next three years.

Arafat Jamal, UNHCR's representative for Afghanistan, described the lack of documentation as an "almost invisible" phenomenon.

"The absence of documentation is a serious impediment to continuing your lives," he told AFP in the capital Kabul.

The UN appeal comes as global aid cuts hit hard in Afghanistan, with those crossing the border entering a country where jobs are scarce and support has been shrinking.

At Omari camp, Nazamin Baloch didn't know how to get an ID card but knew from other Afghans that it was "important for everything".

"This is the first time I am coming to Afghanistan," said Baloch, in her sixties.

"No one in the family has an ID card... We have not even seen our country before."

Features

What Are the Key Challenges Facing NATO?

National flags of NATO members flutter at the alliance's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium April 2, 2025. (Reuters)
National flags of NATO members flutter at the alliance's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium April 2, 2025. (Reuters)
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What Are the Key Challenges Facing NATO?

National flags of NATO members flutter at the alliance's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium April 2, 2025. (Reuters)
National flags of NATO members flutter at the alliance's headquarters in Brussels, Belgium April 2, 2025. (Reuters)

NATO leaders gathering for a summit in Ankara on July ‌7-8 will discuss a host of challenges facing the alliance, from Europe taking on more responsibility for the continent’s security to boosting defense industrial production.

Some officials worry the Iran war could overshadow the gathering, but hope leaders will remain focused on the alliance’s core business: defense and deterrence.

Here is a look at the main challenges facing NATO in the months and years to come:

KEEPING TRUMP IN

NATO officials say one of their primary goals is to maintain unity and keep the US committed to the alliance’s Article 5 clause, which specifies that an attack on one of its members is an attack on all.

The alliance faced two crises this year which have fueled tension in the transatlantic relationship: US President Donald Trump’s demands for ownership of Greenland, an autonomous territory of NATO-member Denmark, and his anger at NATO allies over their response to the Iran war.

The US president branded the alliance a "paper tiger" and said he was considering withdrawing from NATO. The alliance's Secretary-General, Mark Rutte, has sought to smooth over tensions, using a ‌mix of flattery ‌and data to persuade Trump that European NATO members are fulfilling their promises.

BURDEN-SHIFTING

The Trump ‌administration ⁠has pushed European ⁠governments to take on primary responsibility for the conventional defense of Europe as Washington seeks to dedicate more resources to the Indo-Pacific.

Some changes are already under way: Washington has decided to shrink the pool of US military capabilities available to NATO in a crisis, and European NATO members have filled almost all the gaps.

US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has also announced a new review of America's troop deployments in Europe and threatened to withhold some US dues to NATO if "free-riding" allies did not meet their defense spending commitments.

European officials say they are working to step up on defense. But some have also questioned the US approach, arguing that a transition ⁠requires time and raising concern about the unpredictability of policy coming from Washington.

SPENDING MORE

European ‌NATO members and Canada are under significant pressure to boost defense investment both ‌to improve deterrence and defense against Russia and to demonstrate to Trump that they are taking his demands for burden-shifting seriously.

At a ‌summit in the Hague last year, NATO leaders backed the big increase in defense spending that Trump demanded, pledging to ‌spend 5% of GDP on defense and defense-related measures within a decade. Countries pledged to spend 3.5% of GDP on core defense — such as troops and weapons — and 1.5% on broader defense-related measures.

NATO's European allies and Canada increased defense spending by 20% in 2025 compared with the previous year in real terms, according to alliance data. But not everyone is on a trajectory to meet the new goals, and ‌a number of governments are starting to run into political difficulties with defense spending.

INDUSTRY

With European NATO countries boosting defense investment, a major challenge for the alliance is how to ⁠turn money into new military ⁠capabilities in a short timeframe.

In Ankara, NATO members are expected to announce tens of billions of dollars in new contracts. But some officials have expressed frustration that production has not increased at the pace they had hoped and that it still takes years to get some orders.

NATO's leadership has called on industry to work together, open new production lines and deliver more quickly.

DETERRING RUSSIA

NATO leaders meeting in Ankara are expected to reiterate that Russia poses a long-term threat to Euro-Atlantic security.

While alliance officials say Russia is grappling with significant economic problems and Ukraine has strengthened its position, Rutte has cautioned that nearly half of Russia’s state budget is now dedicated to defense and that the alliance cannot be naive about Moscow.

UKRAINE

European NATO members are continuing to finance aid for Kyiv, more than four years since Russia’s full-scale invasion.

Money is channeled in various ways, including bilateral assistance, a European Union loan and the Prioritised Ukraine Requirements List initiative where European countries pay to supply Ukraine with US weapons.

While most European leaders say they are committed to continuing to support Kyiv, sustaining a high level of funding remains a challenge amid other demands on national budgets and concern in some capitals that some European governments are contributing disproportionately more than others.

Features

Inside ‘Operation Dawn Strike’: The Covert Mission to Separate Iraq from Iran's Influence

Iraqi security personnel in their vehicle guard the street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
Iraqi security personnel in their vehicle guard the street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
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Inside ‘Operation Dawn Strike’: The Covert Mission to Separate Iraq from Iran's Influence

Iraqi security personnel in their vehicle guard the street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)
Iraqi security personnel in their vehicle guard the street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

Government and security sources have revealed that the wave of arrests carried out by Iraqi authorities last Sunday unfolded along two parallel tracks. One targeted suspects accused of embezzling public funds, while the other — a highly classified operation — aimed at what sources described as “separating the twins”: severing the links between figures tied to Tehran within armed factions and oil-smuggling networks and Iraqi state institutions.

According to the sources, Prime Minister Ali Al-Zaidi discussed the plan in strict secrecy with a small circle of senior military officers two weeks before its launch, deliberately excluding leaders of the ruling Coordination Framework alliance. The decision reportedly triggered tensions during the coalition’s latest meeting in Baghdad and reignited questions over the balance of power within Iraq’s governing bloc.

A former US official described the covert operation as “major surgery whose success is too early to judge,” calling it “a bold move by a young prime minister who emerged from relative obscurity.” He cautioned, however, that “Iran’s response has yet to come.”

While the public phase of the operation focused on targets inside Baghdad’s heavily fortified Green Zone, special forces simultaneously moved against homes and headquarters elsewhere in the capital and southern Iraq belonging to figures with direct ties to Iran.

Sources said pro-Iran factions initially suggested that a military coup was underway. One source revealed that members of the armed factions heard the word “coup” repeated over their communications networks for a short period before the true nature of the operation became clear.

The government has publicly disclosed the outcome of the campaign, officially dubbed Operation Dawn Strike, announcing the arrest of dozens of suspects accused of embezzling public funds.

Iraq’s Integrity Commission has pledged to continue making arrests while investigations into those detained proceed.

The operation was carried out by elite units from the Iraqi army, the Counter Terrorism Service, and the Special Division. According to sources, the release of images showing large sums of cash hidden inside suspects’ homes and farms, along with footage of a tank conducting a conspicuous maneuver inside the Green Zone, was intended to generate momentum for the covert phase of the operation while discouraging any immediate response from pro-Iran armed groups.

A senior figure in a Shiite faction told Asharq Al-Awsat that Operation Dawn Strike could ultimately serve as cover for dismantling Iraq’s armed “resistance” factions, describing such a strategy — if true — as “smart.”

The building of the Ministry of Planning is pictured in the Green Zone, in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

Zero hour

People familiar with the arrest plan said the operation’s execution was conducted under extraordinary secrecy across both tracks.

They told Asharq Al-Awsat that planning had begun two weeks earlier and that Al-Zaidi restricted discussions to four senior security commanders, excluding party leaders within the Coordination Framework — the ruling coalition that nominated him for office in April.

Authorities set 2 a.m. on June 28 as “zero hour.”

According to informed sources, the operation began with the closure of the Green Zone, the sealing of Baghdad’s entry and exit points, and the deployment of forces around Baghdad International Airport. Simultaneously, however, the covert phase was already underway elsewhere in Baghdad and in southern Iraq.

Two security sources said special forces raided locations in eastern Baghdad, where Iran-aligned armed factions maintain headquarters.

Elite units searched homes and offices for high-value suspects, weapons, and documents, but several wanted individuals escaped shortly before security forces arrived, according to two informed sources.

Last-minute leak

Sources said Iraqi security forces deployed armored vehicles, troop carriers, tanks, and hundreds of personnel to give the operation overwhelming force and deter any armed resistance from faction-linked gunmen.

They added that one wanted individual was protected by an elite security detail from the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF).

Officials said authorities maintained strict secrecy over both the planning and execution of the operation. Nevertheless, some suspects reportedly received last-minute warnings from executive and political figures.

“Yes, some managed to flee because personal connections alerted them that they had become targets, even less than an hour before security forces were due to arrive,” one source revealed.

For years, groups aligned with Iran have built extensive influence inside Iraqi state institutions by placing figures regarded as absolutely loyal to Tehran in key positions.

If confirmed, these accounts would suggest that Iranian-linked networks have penetrated Iraq’s law enforcement institutions, posing perhaps the greatest challenge yet to government efforts to curb Iranian influence and dismantle the corruption networks associated with it.

Iraqi politician Hamed Al-Sayyed said the campaign’s success depended on preventing information leaks that allow suspects to escape.

Law enforcement officers involved in Operation Dawn Strike reportedly received their deployment orders only hours before the operation and were sent to targets without being told exactly who or what they were pursuing.

“There were only very brief phone calls,” one security source told Asharq Al-Awsat.

According to two sources, the operation’s public track was designed to arrest an initial group of politicians long suspected of corruption and widely resented by the public. The covert track, meanwhile, focused on figures accused of facilitating the expansion of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) inside Iraq’s security and oil institutions.

One political official described that second track as “the real prize.”

Iraqi Prime Minister-designate Ali Al-Zaidi speaks during a parliamentary session at the parliament headquarters in Baghdad, Iraq, May 14, 2026. (Reuters)

‘Big catch’

Authorities have so far arrested dozens of executive officials, but Deputy Oil Ministers Ali Maarij and Adnan Al-Jumaili may prove to be the “big catch” capable of exposing a deeply entrenched network in Baghdad accused of facilitating the smuggling of Iranian oil under Iraqi cover.

According to officials, the smuggling networks use forged documents to move Iranian oil through Iraq. Their methods reportedly include blending Iraqi fuel oil with Iranian petroleum products before exporting the mixture as Iraqi oil, allowing Tehran to circumvent US sanctions while generating revenue for Iran-aligned Iraqi armed factions and affiliated networks.

On May 7, the US Department of the Treasury sanctioned Maarij, accusing him of exploiting his official position to facilitate oil shipments benefiting Iran and Iraqi factions loyal to Tehran. Baghdad denied the allegations.

Political circles in Baghdad widely believe the sanctions ended Maarij’s hopes of becoming oil minister. His nomination had been viewed by many as “a valuable gift” symbolizing the growing influence of the IRGC in Baghdad.

A former US diplomat, speaking anonymously, described the operation as “major surgery to separate the twins — the representatives of Iran in Iraq from the country’s official institutions.”

“It is too early to judge whether it will succeed,” he said. “But the boldness of the operation is impressive and suggests a different mood is emerging in Baghdad.”

A political official told Asharq Al-Awsat that authorities are assessing both the limits of their power and the risk of confrontation before deciding whether to resume the operation.

Al-Sayyed argued that retreating now would come at a high price.

“Al-Zaidi has left himself with only one option,” he said. “He must pursue political leaders accused of corruption.”

Another political official suggested, however, that “the second phase may already be underway, even as we speak, but in secret.”

Iraqi security personnel patrol along a street in Baghdad on June 28, 2026. (AFP)

A stormy meeting

On Monday, one day after Operation Dawn Strike, the ruling coalition held its regular meeting with Al-Zaidi in attendance.

Political officials said coalition leaders told the prime minister they supported anti-corruption efforts but argued that they had long agreed to coordinate such operations.

According to sources, the meeting quickly turned contentious, with many coalition leaders believing Al-Zaidi had acted behind their backs.

One senior coalition figure reportedly told him: “It would have been better to involve us in the plan to preserve the stability of the political process.”

Al-Zaidi replied: “What guarantee did I have that the information would not leak if I had informed you?”

The exchanges grew more heated after one coalition member accused the campaign of targeting his bloc’s influence in parliament.

According to sources, he objected to security forces surrounding the home of a senior figure in his political alliance, calling it “an intimidating measure.”

The debate reflected shifting dynamics within Iraq’s ruling coalition.

A senior member of an influential Shiite party said the latest meeting “felt unusual, as though the coalition was losing its monopoly over the political dynamics and decision-making process.”

Two members of the ruling alliance said Al-Zaidi remained composed throughout the meeting.

Even so, the prime minister appears intent on restoring political equilibrium to ensure the campaign can continue.

Sources described the operation as having entered “halftime.”

According to a Kurdish political leader, Al-Zaidi — who is said to enjoy unprecedented backing from US envoy Tom Barrack — hopes to strengthen his political standing ahead of an expected visit to Washington later this month.

The former US diplomat said Al-Zaidi may hope to become “the star of the evening” when he meets President Donald Trump at the White House.

He cautioned, however, that wielding this degree of authority in Iraq’s fragmented political system could prove a double-edged sword if not exercised with caution.