Saudi Deputy FM: Erdogan’s Visit Deepens Historical Relations

Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Eng. Waleed Elkhereiji (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Eng. Waleed Elkhereiji (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Saudi Deputy FM: Erdogan’s Visit Deepens Historical Relations

Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Eng. Waleed Elkhereiji (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Eng. Waleed Elkhereiji (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Eng. Waleed Elkhereiji said Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to Saudi Arabia extends the countries’ efforts to deepen their century-old historical relationship.

Elkhereiji expressed anticipation for continuous collaboration in the next five years, aiming to build stronger bridges and fulfill the aspirations of both leaderships ahead of the Saudi-Turkish relationship’s centenary in 2029.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Elkhereiji emphasized that one of the pillars of success in the distinguished relationship between Saudi Arabia and Türkiye is the business sector.

He highlighted the two nations’ integration rather than competition, pointing out that both countries strive to cooperate in encouraging direct investment and developing and diversifying bilateral trade.

Regarding the possibility of a Saudi-Turkish role within a unified diplomatic framework to extinguish the flames of war in Ukraine, Elkhereiji clarified that there is a convergence of views and perspectives between Saudi Arabia and Türkiye regarding the Russian-Ukrainian crisis.

This provides an opportunity for the two influential nations to work together in encouraging both parties to end the crisis.

Here is the text of the interview:

The visit of the Turkish President to Saudi Arabia comes amidst crises affecting the region and the world. What are the key issues that will be discussed between Saudi Arabia and Türkiye during this visit?

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to the Kingdom is an extension of the efforts of both countries to deepen their historical relationship, which will reach its centenary in 2029.

Over the next five years leading up to the Saudi-Turkish relationship's centenary, the two nations aspire to continue building stronger bridges and achieving the goals of their respective leaderships and peoples.

The visit of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz to Türkiye on June 22, 2022, in response to the invitation of the Turkish President, garnered wide international attention.

The Crown Prince’s visit marked a significant leap in the development of relations between the two countries and resulted in notable successes and partnerships across various sectors.

This was followed by the signing of cooperation agreements, reaffirming the commitment of both leaderships to further enhance bilateral relations based on their historical brotherhood and serving the common interests of both nations and ensuring a better future for the region.

Sixteen agreements were signed between Riyadh and Ankara, with a focus on industries and contracting, as discussions increase about opportunities to enhance trade and economic relations between the two countries within the frameworks of Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 and Türkiye’s “Century of Türkiye.”

Will the current summit witness the signing of more agreements, and in which specific areas?

One of the pillars of success in the distinguished relationship between Saudi Arabia and Türkiye is the business sector. Both countries excel in complementing each other rather than competing with one another in this sector.

Saudi Arabia has abundant energy products and basic materials for industries that meet Türkiye’s needs, while Turkish products and the contracting sector find a favorable market in the Kingdom to meet its growing demands in the construction sector, in line with the goals of Saudi Vision 2030.

During the past year, between Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s visit to Türkiye and the current visit by the Turkish President, two investment forums were held, one in Istanbul and the other in Riyadh, resulting in several agreements aimed at supporting the business sector, expanding bilateral trade, and increasing trade exchange.

Both Saudi Arabia and Türkiye possess significant economic potential as members of the G20. Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 presents promising opportunities for cooperation between the two countries in areas such as investment, trade, tourism, entertainment, development, industry, mining, construction projects, transportation, and infrastructure.

The Kingdom’s attractive business environment has successfully attracted 390 Turkish companies to invest in the Saudi market, with a total capital of nearly SAR 1 billion. These Turkish companies are active in several sectors, including construction, manufacturing, wholesale and retail trade, and restaurants.

Both the Saudi and Turkish sides are continuously working on developing and diversifying bilateral trade, facilitating trade exchanges, overcoming any obstacles in this regard, and intensifying communication between the public and private sectors.

This is aimed at exploring investment opportunities and translating them into tangible partnerships in various fields.

The countries are striving to collaborate in encouraging direct investment, as evidenced by the signing of an agreement in this area.

They also organized the Turkish-Saudi Business and Investment Forum in December 2022, with the goal of highlighting promising cooperation opportunities for Turkish companies in the massive projects that the Kingdom will undertake as part of Vision 2030. This was followed by the Saudi-Turkish Business Forum in March in Riyadh.

Saudi Arabia and Türkiye, as two important nations in the region and the world, are committed to cooperation in all fields and mutual support for ambitious projects, ideas, and initiatives globally.

Türkiye has generously supported Riyadh’s bid to host Expo 2030 and has also supported the Kingdom’s efforts in tackling climate change.

Türkiye also welcomed the launch of Saudi Arabia’s Green Saudi Arabia and Green Middle East initiatives, as well as the implementation of the circular carbon economy approach introduced by the Kingdom and endorsed by the leaders of the G20.

Furthermore, both Saudi Arabia and Türkiye have renewed their commitment to the principles of the Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement.

On another note, the role of the Saudi-Turkish Coordination Council aims to enhance and develop relations between the two countries in various fields, including politics, economy, trade, energy, agriculture, culture, education, technology, and military and security industries.

The Council held its first meeting in February 2017 in Ankara, and the second meeting is expected to take place in Riyadh this year.

Türkiye continues to grapple with an economic crisis compounded by the costs of the earthquake damage. Saudi Arabia has taken the initiative to provide humanitarian support and aid to the Turkish economy through a $5 billion deposit in March last year. Are there any further financial assistance or loans that Riyadh will offer to Ankara?

The Kingdom topped the list of donors in response to the earthquake that occurred in Türkiye this year.

Saudi Arabia directed generous support, as per the leadership’s directives, by launching a medical and relief aid airlift.

Additionally, popular donation campaigns were organized, and contracts were signed for projects benefiting the earthquake victims, amounting to over $48.8 million.

These efforts are ongoing, and undoubtedly, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia will continue to stand by its brothers and sisters in Türkiye, guided by its firm principles.

Saudi efforts will persist in supporting Türkiye and those affected in earthquake-stricken areas in southern Türkiye and northern Syria.

The Ukrainian crisis has witnessed numerous international mediation initiatives aimed at finding a political solution to the deadly conflict between Moscow and Kyiv. One of these initiatives was the Saudi initiative in late February of last year.

Given Türkiye’s geopolitical position in the Black Sea region, will there be a Saudi-Turkish role within a unified diplomatic framework to extinguish the flames of this crisis?

Saudi Arabia and Türkiye agree that resolving the crisis between Russia and Ukraine should be a top priority for the international community. They share the perspective that the crisis should be resolved in accordance with UN resolutions and international norms, in the best interest of international peace.

Both countries recognize that the current global situation is fragile and cannot afford major and complex crises like the one between Russia and Ukraine.

The Kingdom has presented several initiatives for mediation between Russia and Ukraine, while Türkiye has successfully mediated to maintain the grain agreement since the beginning of the crisis.

The alignment of visions and perspectives between Saudi Arabia and Türkiye regarding the Russian-Ukrainian crisis provides an opportunity for them to work together as influential global states in encouraging both parties to end the crisis.

How does Riyadh view the Turkish-Egyptian rapprochement and its impact on the region?

Saudi Arabia is one of the biggest supporters of improving relations in the region and among all countries in it.

The resumption of Saudi-Iranian relations and Syria’s return to the Arab League serve as evidence of the Kingdom’s efforts to bridge perspectives in the Middle East and make the region one of the safest in the world.

Saudi Arabia firmly believes that peace and security are top priorities and that true development in the Middle East cannot be achieved without reinforcing security and fostering exceptional relationships among regional countries.

The Kingdom has issued a supportive statement regarding the improvement of relations between Türkiye and Egypt.

Undoubtedly, Saudi Arabia sees this rapprochement as a new opportunity to create a better atmosphere in the region, as an important part of the push towards a secure Middle East.



Fakhri Karim: Nouri al-Maliki Saw Mosul as ‘Dagger in the Side’

Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: Nouri al-Maliki Saw Mosul as ‘Dagger in the Side’

Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Last February, Iraqi politician and publisher Fakhri Karim narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in Baghdad, sparking many questions about the motive behind the attack.

Some speculate Karim was targeted for his role as a senior advisor to the late President Jalal Talabani between 2006 and 2014. Others think it might have been due to his efforts in managing the relationship between Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani.

There is also speculation that the attack could have been a reaction to his newspaper, Al-Mada. Known for supporting the Iraqi uprising, Al-Mada has strongly campaigned against widespread assassinations and the uncontrolled spread of weapons.

The recent attempt on Karim's life recalls a similar incident in Lebanon in 1982. During the Israeli siege of Beirut, while the city was seeing off Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) fighters, Karim was injured in the face in an assassination attempt.

Karim had a close relationship with then PLO chairman Yasser Arafat, who supported thousands of communists escaping Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq.

Born in 1942 in Baghdad to a Shiite Kurdish family, Karim joined the Communist Party in 1959. His activism led to multiple imprisonments, escapes, and living under aliases, including Ali Abdul Khaliq.

Karim worked in the party’s media and was once the deputy head of the journalists’ syndicate.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim recounted a significant episode from 1970.

The Communist Party, through leader Makram Talabani, informed President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr about a coup plot orchestrated by outspoken Iraqi officer and politician Abdel Ghani al-Rawi, with support from Iran.

Al-Bakr appreciated the intelligence and reportedly said: “We will not forget this for the party.”

Karim also mentioned that al-Bakr had previously proposed that the Communist Party join the Baath Party in the coup that brought the Baathists back to power on July 17, 1968, but the party declined.

Karim disclosed that he personally received a call from US officials urging President Jalal Talabani not to run for a second term, labeling him as “Iran’s man.”

Karim then revealed that President Barack Obama was involved in a scheme to persuade Talabani to step down in favor of former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi. The aim was to keep Nouri al-Maliki as Prime Minister to appease Iran.

Karim admitted that supporting al-Maliki for the position of prime minister over Allawi, who had won the majority in parliament, was a blunder.

He stated that al-Maliki ignored Barzani’s warnings about extremist activity near Mosul that eventually culminated in ISIS’s capture of the city.

Before Mosul fell, al-Maliki reportedly said in front of President Talabani: “We need to cooperate and bring Mosul closer to the Kurdistan region because it is a hub for terrorists, nationalists, and Baathists, a dagger in our side.” Talabani reportedly found the comment inappropriate.

Karim spoke about missions assigned to him by Talabani in Tehran and Damascus, including meetings with Iranian Gen. Qasem Soleimani and Iraqi deputy commander of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, who were both killed in a US airstrike in early 2020.

He expressed concerns about the future of Iraq and Kurdistan amidst political instability.

Moreover, Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s exit from politics has emboldened minorities to challenge the constitution and institutions, according to Karim.

Some Iraqis now see the Federal Court as straying from its original role, comparing it to the Revolutionary Command Council.

Moment of decline for Iraq’s political process

Karim responded to comments by Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari to Asharq Al-Awsat previously, where Zebari stated that Talabani was prepared to support the no confidence of al-Maliki’s government, but he changed course after receiving a threatening message from Qassem Soleimani.

Karim noted that months into al-Maliki’s second term, he started to act independently, even from Shiite factions. This trend worried the highest religious authority in the country.

A meeting in Erbil gathered opposition forces, including the Iraqi List and Kurdish factions, later joined by al-Sadr. Talabani proposed withdrawing confidence from al-Maliki's government. Karim expressed concerns, but Talabani seemed unbothered. Karim also worried about potential resistance from Soleimani, prompting Talabani to suggest contacting him in Tehran.

As the plane prepared to depart, Soleimani indicated a messenger would deliver a message. The severe message demanded Talabani’s resignation if he wasn't up to the task and that he follow Soleimani’s approach. This led to a change of course and very dangerous consequences. Karim believed this marked the beginning of the decline in the political process in Iraq, leading to current events.

Al-Maliki and the Mosul dilemma

In Karim’s personal opinion, al-Maliki understood the gravity of the situation but likely thought it was a minor breach that could be rectified. Karim doubted that al-Maliki anticipated the situation turning into a major disaster leading to the occupation of a third of the country by ISIS, plunging both the people and the state into a costly predicament, the effects of which they are still grappling with.

The issue of Mosul was raised between Talabani and al-Maliki at the onset of discussions about forming the government. It was discussed in several meetings between the two leaders.

One day, al-Maliki proposed an idea that seemed strange to Karim. He suggested paying attention to the situation in Mosul and seeking a remedy for it.

“I hope we can cooperate and bring Mosul closer to the Kurdistan Region as much as possible because Mosul is a hub for terrorism, nationalists, and Baathists, hence a dagger in our side,” Karim recalled al-Maliki as saying.

Karim then responded: “We are talking about a future where we address the shortcomings we face, and you are talking about a Sunni component that is part of the political process!”

Al-Maliki then replied: “How can you speak to me like this? These are Baathists and nationalists, and, with all due respect, Sunnis.”

Karim then pointed to Talabani and said: “This man in front of you is Sunni.”

At that point, Talabani told al-Maliki that this conversation was inappropriate.

Al-Maliki: Mosul situation is under control

Karim’s words matched what Barzani, the former President of the Kurdistan Region, said at the time when he personally led the confrontation against ISIS.

Barzani said: “Before the fall of Mosul to ISIS, we received information that extremists were establishing bases in the urban area southwest of Mosul, near the Syrian border. I sent messages to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki through Sayyid Ammar al-Hakim, Dr. Roj Shaways, and US Ambassador Stephen Beecroft.”

“I told them: Inform him that he’s preoccupied with Anbar and indifferent to Mosul, which has become an open arena. I proposed a joint operation to prevent the extremists from taking over Mosul and its surroundings,” recounted Barzani.

This was in December 2013, seven months before Mosul fell to ISIS. Barzani added that al-Maliki showed no interest: “I called him at the beginning of 2014 and said, ‘My brother, the situation in Mosul is dangerous. Let’s conduct a joint operation. I cannot send the Peshmerga alone’.”

“The matter is sensitive between Kurds and Arabs, and government forces are present in the area. There's the 2nd Division of the Iraqi Army, Federal Police, and other units. We’re ready to bear the heavier burden, but let it be a joint operation,” argued Barzani.

Al-Maliki then replied: “My brother, you watch over your region, don’t worry about what’s beyond it; the situation is under control.”

Barzani indicated that ISIS had not dreamed of taking control of Mosul, nor had it anticipated its fall into their hands.

The terrorist group wanted to distract army units to release their members detained in the Badush prison west of the city.

“ISIS launched shells towards the Ghazlani camp to cover the prisoners’ escape. The officers sent by al-Maliki (the ground forces commander and deputy chief of staff) fled, and the division commander joined them... This is a big and terrible issue,” said the Kurdish leader.

“The army didn't resist. Senior officers sought refuge with the Peshmerga. We rescued them and sent them to Baghdad at their request,” Barzani recounted.