Lebanese Internal Security Chief Warns of Political Impact on Stability

Maj. Gen. Imad Othman honors officers retiring (ISF Website)
Maj. Gen. Imad Othman honors officers retiring (ISF Website)
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Lebanese Internal Security Chief Warns of Political Impact on Stability

Maj. Gen. Imad Othman honors officers retiring (ISF Website)
Maj. Gen. Imad Othman honors officers retiring (ISF Website)

In less than nine months, if the current political deadlock in Lebanon persists, the management of the Internal Security Forces (ISF), a pivotal sector in the country's security, will transition to interim management. This pattern follows that of many other affected official institutions due to the presidential vacancy.

Fundamental Christian factions have declined to make appointments in the absence of a president.

Nine months from now, give or take a week, the General Director of Lebanon’s ISF, Maj. Gen. Imad Othman, will reach the retirement age.

The notion of a vacuum doesn't exist in the realm of security; instead, there are makeshift measures that institutions resort to in order to fill the void.

However, this doesn’t necessarily mean that things will return to complete normalcy after this date, despite Othman’s attempt to instill a sense of reassurance.

“The institution is capable of continuing its duties; it is brimming with competencies,” Othman assured Asharq Al-Awsat.

Othman believes that Lebanon’s security forces are capable of persisting due to the mentality guiding its members and the discipline on which they are raised.

“There is a strong sense of responsibility, and that alone justifies the continued operation of the security forces despite all the challenges that Lebanon has faced since 2019, referring to the financial crisis that has hit the country and pushed the national currency’s exchange rate to unprecedented levels, consequently affecting the purchasing power of military salaries in general,” explained Othman.

The most compelling motivation for their continuity, however, lies in “the security forces’ understanding that there are those who desire to take their place and those who seek chaos instead of stability.”

“Our lives are built on caution against the unknown,” added Othman.

Moreover, the security forces had established a centralized administration for security decisions.

They formed mobile units to counter rioting, military forces for security intervention, and an information division for combined technical and military intervention.

Meanwhile, the small precincts dispersed throughout the country serve as vigilant eyes and ears, receiving complaints and preparing to address them.

Othman also expressed significant concern regarding the situation of the security forces due to “clear targeting.”

He doesn’t provide extensive details, but he said: “I sense a threat to the institution.”

“There are those who target it because it upholds security in the country.”

“I don't want to go into specifics, but there is a direct and unjustifiable targeting of the security forces.”

“However, this is an institution that has been around for over 160 years, and ending its role is not an easy task,” affirmed Othman.

Othman asserted that the security situation is under control.

He goes even further, affirming that the security situation is “stable.”

“We are pursuing crime and are capable of managing it,” he said.

“However, there are other diverse issues, such as security hotspots emerging in certain areas, taking on a military character, like the Palestinian camps where sporadic fighting occurs,” noted Othman.

Additionally, Othman points to another significant security concern, which is the Syrian displacement, with apprehensions that “security concerns might escalate due to it.”

“There are many crimes linked to the Syrian presence. This places pressure on the security forces and the prison infrastructure in Lebanon, as the number of Syrian prisoners is now approaching a third of the total prison population,” he explained.

“About 17.8% of convicts are Syrian and 43% of detainees are Syrian,” revealed Othman.

In short, Othman affirmed that crime control is very effective, but the danger lies in the political impact on security.

It’s usually difficult for a security figure to openly discuss politics, but the impression left by visitors to Othman suggests a profound dissatisfaction with the “casualness” with which some politicians approach security matters and their lack of concern for avoiding “red lines” as long as it benefits them.



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”