Eritrean President to Asharq Al-Awsat: Partnership with Saudi Arabia will Uplift Region from Underdevelopment Swamp

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki (Photo Credit: Bashir Saleh)
Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki (Photo Credit: Bashir Saleh)
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Eritrean President to Asharq Al-Awsat: Partnership with Saudi Arabia will Uplift Region from Underdevelopment Swamp

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki (Photo Credit: Bashir Saleh)
Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki (Photo Credit: Bashir Saleh)

In a scathing attack, Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki criticized the African Union (AU), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Afwerki asserted that the bodies mentioned were “stillborn,” holding them responsible for the political, economic, and social deterioration in African nations.

The African leader added that these organizations were causing the exhaustion of populations, leading them on perilous journeys across the Mediterranean, and subjecting them to Western exploitation, seizing their decision-making power.

The Eritrean president, however, appeared optimistic about Saudi-African partnership, deeming it as a lifeline for the region’s people, rescuing them from the quagmire of underdevelopment and propelling them towards progress and sustainable development.

He emphasized the potential to harness the natural resources of the African continent, comprising over 60% of the world's resources.

This partnership, according to Afwerki, aims to secure food sources in the face of climate change-induced scarcity.

Speaking from his residence at the Ritz-Carlton in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, after participating in the Saudi-African summit, President Afwerki discussed various issues, particularly those concerning Africa and the collaboration with Saudi Arabia, as well as internal reform matters.

Following is an excerpt of the interview Afwerki had with Asharq Al-Awsat:

Saudi relations with African nations are characterized as distinctive, and the Saudi-African summit is seen as the culmination of these ties, with you being one of the participants. What sets this summit apart?

What distinguishes the Saudi-African summit from other meetings and summits in various places and different eras is that it fosters a genuine strategic partnership between the African continent and Saudi Arabia.

Its significance lies in being held amidst complex regional and international conditions, highlighting Saudi Arabia’s abundant resources and opportunities across various dimensions.

This is juxtaposed with the immense natural wealth of African nations, coupled with a human population exceeding 1.2 billion, contributing to Africa’s resources, which account for 60% of the world’s total medical resources.

Why has the African continent not yet fully benefited from its vast human and natural resources?

Indeed, there is a constellation of challenges facing the African continent, as it remains marginalized by the Western world in comparison to its counterparts on other continents.

Additionally, much of Africa grapples with political instability, leading to economic uncertainty.

In this context, the Saudi-African summit presents a significant opportunity for genuine integration between the two parties.

It is imperative that the strategic partnership between them be comprehensive, as Saudi capabilities can uplift African capacities and its abundant resources.

This positive impact will reverberate across all continents.

Our understanding of this partnership should recognize its uniqueness in the midst of a new historical era marked by crises and challenges, post the Cold War and the era of a unipolar world.

With more than 30 years since the dominance of a unipolar era, we are now transitioning to a multipolar world order.

The time has come to explore the abundant opportunities offered by Africa’s vast economic potential and strategically invest in intelligent partnerships.

This is crucial for securing the future of the coming generations.

A proper understanding of this partnership involves carefully designing vital projects, accompanied by a roadmap encompassing plans and capacity development. Serious efforts are needed to translate these plans into reality.

What is the optimal approach to achieving the objectives of the strategic partnership with Saudi Arabia?

There is a pressing need to change the approach adopted by African nations and work towards eliminating political turmoil, fragility, and weakness prevalent in many countries, such as Niger, Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, Gabon, Sudan, and countries in the Horn of Africa and its surroundings.

It is essential to reconcile their situations and awaken from dreams that do not benefit our people.

Combating corruption in all its forms, improving governance, and being vigilant about the dangers of foreign interventions are crucial steps.

It is also vital to address the vulnerabilities that some African leaders may expose to the Western world.

Only through these measures can we build a true strategic partnership with Saudi Arabia, aspiring to transform African opportunities into investment projects that promote sustainable development for the region’s people.

What about collaborating with Saudi Arabia on securing the Red Sea and maritime passages?

The Saudi-Eritrean partnership is a comprehensive integrative strategy, guided by a serious developmental plan with specified timelines.

We aspire to strengthen and expand trade and investment relations, extending them to encompass the Horn of Africa region.

This expansion includes areas such as security and manufacturing industries. However, bilateral cooperation is not limited in scope.

In terms of securing and stabilizing the Red Sea as a vital international waterway, this is an integral component of our strategic partnership, distinguished by its geopolitical specificity.

It addresses security threats while retaining the sovereign capabilities of each Red Sea coastal country to secure its regional waters.

Coordination among these coastal nations is crucial to developing mechanisms for the security and stability of the Red Sea, protecting it from external interventions.

Should any coastal country need to leverage its external interests with another nation, it can do so through coordination, consultation, and collaboration among member states.

This collaboration aims to enhance investments in capacities, industries, energy, mining, tourism, modern technology, water, agriculture, health, education, fisheries, infrastructure, and green projects.

Do you not see potential challenges that might hinder such strategic partnerships?

Yes, despite the African continent’s abundance of food security resources globally, challenges have created a stark reality.

Enhancing project governance and working collaboratively to extricate ourselves from the swamp we’ve been trapped in for decades—marked by crises and destruction—hinders the realization of any strategic partnership with any party worldwide.

Closing gaps against Western nations exploiting our resources is a necessity.

I have discussed this matter with our West African colleagues, citing France’s exploitation of Niger’s resources, especially uranium used by Europe in nuclear and electrical energy facilities for over 50 years.

The Nigerien people have not benefited significantly due to political, economic, social, and cultural system flaws in Niger.

The reality is that we do not approach partnerships with any Western country like France unless they deal with us justly, ensuring our people receive the rightful returns from our resources.

Consider another example—Sudan, often referred to as the world’s breadbasket with diverse, countless resources, yet it still receives foreign aid.

I reiterate: we must rectify our internal political, security, economic, social, and cultural situations to benefit from any partnership with countries or continents.

The partnership with Saudi Arabia is an ideal opportunity to address our internal errors, leverage our resources and partnerships, and confront threats built on ethnic and racial concepts inflamed by forgery and manipulation of democracy, freedom, and civic participation concepts.

Media distortion and interference exploited by external forces to advance their agendas in our African countries must be countered.

Therefore, a realistic diagnosis of Africa’s problems is fundamental, with the imperative that our people acknowledge it.

Planning for absorption is crucial because every African economy is primitive, lacking transformative industries.

There’s an urgent need for education to enhance human resource efficiency, halt the migration exodus of our youth to Europe in the face of life-threatening challenges. Unless Africa resolves its problems decisively, there won’t be a fruitful partnership.



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”