Zebari to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Heard Tehran’s Frank Explanation on Militia Roles

Former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad receiving Former Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari in Tehran in April 2007 (Getty)
Former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad receiving Former Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari in Tehran in April 2007 (Getty)
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Zebari to Asharq Al-Awsat: We Heard Tehran’s Frank Explanation on Militia Roles

Former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad receiving Former Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari in Tehran in April 2007 (Getty)
Former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad receiving Former Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari in Tehran in April 2007 (Getty)

Former Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari doesn't believe that Iraqi-US relations will completely fall apart, but he’s worried about security and economic consequences.

Zebari, who served as foreign minister for 11 years, also expressed concern about interference, monopolistic policies, and attempts to undermine the Kurdistan region of Iraq, which was established based on the current constitution.

Additionally, Zebari revealed that key Iranian leaders had invited Iraq to join the so-called Axis of Resistance, an informal Iran-led political and militant coalition in West Asia and North Africa.

Below is a summary of Zebrari’s thoughts on some questions posed by Asharq Al-Awsat:

Are you worried about Iraq's future?

Yes, I'm concerned. Sadly, despite our efforts, Iraq hasn't stabilized since Saddam Hussein’s regime fell. It lacks the needed stability in politics, security, and society to rebuild after years of war. I'm worried because we still don't have a good government in place.

Is what we’re witnessing now a battle to kick US soldiers out of Iraq?

It's a power struggle between regional players, like Iran, and the US due to conflicts in Gaza and the Middle East. Removing US troops has become a focus, but they’re still needed for regional security.

I was involved in negotiating agreements to withdraw US troops. While there's still some Iraqi security need for them, the issue has become politicized.

The parliament's attempt to expel them on Feb. 10 failed due to lack of support. This issue is up to the government, not just lawmakers.

The exit or stay of US forces is related to Iraqi international obligations, which in turn are related to the Iraqi national economy.

Therefore, this issue cannot be viewed unilaterally.

Many countries in the region host foreign military bases, including those of Britain and France, not just the US.

However, this happened with the consent of these governments. These governments are still sovereign, and the relationship is organized.

We in Iraq also have a regulation for this relationship. But the issue is primarily politicized.

Is Iraq able to handle a breakup with the US?

It's very tough because the US-Iraq relationship is tied to international, regional, and economic issues.

So, breaking away is hard. Every country needs support.

In the strategic framework agreement we negotiated with them, they offered many opportunities to help Iraq’s economy, security, and capabilities. But unfortunately, Iraqi governments haven’t taken full advantage of these opportunities.

You were Iraq’s top diplomat for 11 years. Did the US ask for permanent military bases in Iraq?

The discussion happened during the transition between the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations.

The main question was: What’s the future of these forces?

The idea was that Washington completed its mission, toppled the regime, and laid the groundwork for a new system. It helped Iraq have a constitution, so let Iraqis handle their own issues.

But the US saw the need to keep a limited presence, which was the basis of negotiation.

We started talks in 2007 and finalized the agreement for their withdrawal in 2011 under the Obama administration.

At the same time, Iraq signed a Strategic Framework Agreement for Friendship, Development, and Economic Cooperation with the US.

There was heated debate among military leaders who had served in Iraq, with many of the current US military leaders having experience there. They feared that a sudden withdrawal without leaving some forces for assistance would endanger US interests, whether against terrorism or other aspiring powers in Iraq.

However, Obama chose to withdraw without heeding this advice. I spoke with him for about 45 minutes.

What did you discuss?

He was in the midst of his election campaign, and Iraq was a major issue then. John McCain was the Republican candidate, and both camps were deeply concerned about Iraq.

Obama called me while campaigning in one of the states. I told him that we believed Iraq hadn’t fully recovered; it wasn’t stable yet due to terrorist threats and security challenges. So, we didn't support a sudden full withdrawal of forces.

We needed their assistance and help in training our military, but Obama took it as a no, and stressed that he came to end America’s involvement in foreign wars.

There was also a financial crisis in the global market at that time.

During that period, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki saw the withdrawal as inevitable. He began leaning towards more dominance and control, straying from the constitution, democracy, and freedoms, and targeting Sunni leaders.

This led to significant discontent among the Sunni community. Meanwhile, ISIS was growing in Syria and then moved into Iraq.

At a time when the government claimed it had sufficient forces and didn’t need foreign help, we saw their collapse when ISIS seized Mosul and advanced towards other cities.

This prompted us to seek assistance from the US, which also helped in Erbil and Samarra.

The presence of US forces, along with the formation of an international coalition against terrorism, was based on our agreement.

Any change to this understanding requires the agreement of signatories and a notice period of at least a year. With the upcoming US elections and regional instability, it’s unlikely Iraq can end this relationship now.

Iran’s Narrative of Proxy Making

Can we say that the wars in the Red Sea, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon after the Oct.7 Al-Aqsa Flood attack confirm Iranian control over this part of the Arab world?

Iran holds significant influence in our region, from Yemen to Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq. They openly support the Axis of Resistance.

I’ve had discussions with Qassem Soleimani, the late commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards' Quds Force, as well as with Ali Larijani, former Speaker of the Iranian Parliament, and Ali Akbar Velayati, former Foreign Minister.

We visited Tehran and discussed matters with the President and Prime Minister there.

One of their requests was: “Since Kurds and Shiites have overcome dictatorship, you shouldn’t trust the global powers or the Americans. You should join the Axis of Resistance.”

Who said this?

These were the words of the three leaders I mentioned. I replied that we don’t want to join new conflicts or wars. We’re tired of fighting and want to rebuild our country. They want us to resist those who liberated us, which doesn’t make sense.

But when ISIS expanded, Grand Ayatollah Sistani called for defending Iraq, leading to the formation of the Popular Mobilization Forces.

However, the Iranians intervened, forming militias aligned with them. Now, these forces are a reality, possibly even stronger than the army.

The discussion delved into the Axis of Resistance narrative. They argued that Iran’s system faced threats from global powers and insisted on the need to defend it by fighting external enemies and forming unconventional forces.

Soleimani proposed relying on locally trained forces for unconventional warfare. This approach is evident in the region, with Iran and its allied non-state groups playing a significant role.

There are differing views on how to handle these groups, with some advocating for targeting the leadership while others suggest containing their activities. This debate persists.

In my view, recent events may reshape the political landscape of the Middle East, similar to how the 9/11 attacks transformed international politics.

I anticipated that conflicts would spread beyond Gaza and the West Bank, and indeed, they have, extending across various regions from the Red Sea to northeastern Syria.

Concerns for the Future of Iraqi Kurdistan

Are you worried about Iraqi Kurdistan’s future?

Yes, very worried. Kurdistan has been built with sacrifice, but now faces major threats from Iraqi Federal Court rulings. These decisions challenge the region’s constitutional recognition and its autonomy.

There’s a serious onslaught from various angles. Security-wise, we see threats through attacks on refineries, air traffic, and foreign companies. Also, the halt in oil exports has cost Iraq billions, including Kurdistan’s share.

Interference is pervasive, affecting elections and the region’s budget. While Kurdistan can make its own decisions, our independence means we can say no. This may not sit well with those used to obedience.

Kurdistan faces internal issues, but our goal is to restore legitimacy through regional elections. Originally set for February, they’ve been pushed to May due to court decisions. We’re pushing to hold these elections soon.



Yemen Defense Minister: Houthi Attacks May Persist Even After Gaza War Ends

Yemeni Defense Minister Lt. Gen. Mohsen al-Daeri (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Yemeni Defense Minister Lt. Gen. Mohsen al-Daeri (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yemen Defense Minister: Houthi Attacks May Persist Even After Gaza War Ends

Yemeni Defense Minister Lt. Gen. Mohsen al-Daeri (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Yemeni Defense Minister Lt. Gen. Mohsen al-Daeri (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Yemen’s Defense Minister, Lt. Gen. Mohsen al-Daeri, does not expect Houthi attacks on ships in the Red Sea and Arabian Sea to stop even if the Gaza war ends. He also warns of rising tensions in the region, which could lead to a major conflict.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, al-Daeri affirmed close coordination between Yemeni forces and the Saudi-led Arab Coalition. He praised Saudi Arabia’s key role in the coalition, highlighting its continuous support for Yemen.

Al-Daeri said there has been significant progress in unifying government-aligned military forces, with committees set up by the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) establishing a joint operations authority.

Despite challenges, he remains optimistic that these efforts will help unify the military command against the common enemy — Yemen’s Houthi militias.

Al-Daeri warned that Houthi attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea are a serious threat to Yemen and the region. He noted that the Houthis are using these attacks to distract from their internal problems and are trying to capitalize on Yemeni sympathy for Palestine by claiming support for Gaza.

He added that the Houthis are unlikely to stop targeting international shipping, even if the Gaza war ends, and are constantly seeking new alliances with terrorist groups to strengthen their position.

Al-Daeri, accused Iran of fueling instability in Yemen by supporting Houthi militias for years, smuggling weapons and military experts to spread chaos without regard for regional stability.

On US relations, Al-Daeri said ties are good but military cooperation remains limited. He noted that US military aid, suspended in 2014, has not yet returned to previous levels.

Al-Daeri said his visit to Saudi Arabia was part of ongoing coordination with the Joint Operations Command and the Saudi Ministry of Defense to strengthen defense cooperation between the two countries.

During his “productive” visit, Al-Daeri met with several military leaders, congratulated the new commander of the Joint Operations, Lt. Gen. Fahd Al-Salman, and held talks with officials from the Saudi Ministry of Defense and the Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition.

Al-Daeri emphasized the strong defense cooperation with Saudi Arabia, particularly during Yemen’s war in recent years.

He noted that the high level of coordination with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other Arab Coalition members has significantly improved regional military readiness.

Al-Daeri said relations with Saudi Arabia are growing stronger, with both countries working closely together to fulfill their missions in the region.

He described defense cooperation as being at its peak, praising Saudi Arabia’s leadership in the Arab Coalition.

“Saudi Arabia has always provided full support—military, financial, and moral. As the region’s strongest power, they have supported Yemen not just with resources, but also with strategic expertise and by fighting alongside us, even sacrificing their lives for our cause,” Al-Daeri told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He said Houthi militias have taken advantage of the ceasefire and the Saudi-led initiative, which later became a UN effort, to conduct hostile activities and assert their presence.

He referred to the Houthis’ actions as creating a “massive prison” for millions of Yemenis who do not want to live in their controlled areas.

Al-Daeri, described the situation in the region as dangerous, pointing to recent events in Gaza and Lebanon as signs of increasing tensions. He warned of the risk of an unprecedented regional war due to the rising violence and conflicts.

“What is happening is very alarming, especially with the recent events, including terrorist militias in Yemen, the unacceptable violence in Gaza over the past year, and the situation in southern Lebanon. This all signals the risk of an unusual war,” said al-Daeri.

Regarding potential outcomes, al-Daeri noted that Yemeni forces are ready for both war and peace. He acknowledged significant efforts to achieve peace but warned that renewed conflict could occur at any moment. He also pointed out ongoing provocations from Houthis, which continue to lead to casualties.

"We are ready for all options and have comprehensive strategic plans for deploying our forces. The past two years have seen a ceasefire, and the Arab Coalition is making significant efforts to achieve peace rather than resorting to war. However, this does not mean that conflict won’t resume; it could restart at any time,” explained al-Daeri.

“Despite the ceasefire and the presence of our forces, the legitimate troops have not fired back, yet the militias provoke us daily, resulting in casualties,” he added.

“Patience is a key quality of the legitimate authority in Yemen, led by Dr. Rashad Al-Alimi, the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, and his colleagues in the Presidential Leadership Council. This patience reflects our readiness for the moment of truth, whether for peace or war—we are prepared,” asserted al-Daeri.