‘Exchange Marriages’ in Yemen: A Ticking Time Bomb

‘Exchange Marriages’ in Yemen: A Ticking Time Bomb
TT

‘Exchange Marriages’ in Yemen: A Ticking Time Bomb

‘Exchange Marriages’ in Yemen: A Ticking Time Bomb

Twenty two years ago Fatima was forced to marry a man at the age of 19 in return for her brother to wed the groom’s sister in what is called al-Shighar or exchange marriage.

Fatima did not have a say in the decision made by her father and brother to marry her off in the Rayma Governorate. Despite that, she lived a normal life with her husband and five children.

“We had no problems and I was happy seeing my children grow up,” says Fatima of her exchange marriage, which starts off with two men agreeing on marrying off their daughter or sister without dowry.

Her life turned upside down five years ago when her husband abandoned her and took her children – three boys and two girls – with him as an act of vengeance following the divorce of her brother from her sister-in-law.

But she didn’t give up. “I filed a lawsuit against my husband to ask him for divorce and return my children to me.”

Fatima belongs to a large group of Yemeni women who are pushed into exchange marriages, depriving them of education, dowry and their children.

A survey carried out in five of Yemen’s 22 governorates, showed that 94 percent of al-Shighar marriages end in failure. The survey included 38 men and 12 women.

According to the survey, which was done between May and November 2017, such marriages last an average of four and a half years.

On the outskirts of the northern Hajjah governorate, 19-year-old Aisha was forced to marry her blind cousin in return for a marriage that took place between her brother and her husband’s sister.

Aisha’s marriage destroyed her emotionally. She saw her 26-year-old husband as a “monster and not a life partner” on her wedding night.

“I contemplated suicide but I backed off,” she says.

Although her brother divorced, she’s still stuck in an unhappy marriage. “But my child makes me somehow happy,” says Aisha.

There are thousands of similar cases in Yemen and some people have managed to carry out two or more exchange marriages despite the difficulties.

But its mainly the economic hardships that push many to resort to such tribal traditions.

Lawyer Hamid al-Hujaily described such marriages as a “ticking time bomb” that destroys happy families.

Sociologist Dr. Abdul Karim Ghanim also said that al-Shighar is like bartering of goods, except that goods are replaced by women.

“What’s worse is that the success of one marriage hinges on the other,” he said. “Divorce leads to the disintegration of the family and creates instability for children.”

Several Yemeni non-governmental organizations have long attempted to end al-Shighar. But they hit the stumbling block of a stubborn society, which holds onto traditions.

Lawyer Hamid al-Hujaily regrets that Yemeni law does not prohibit exchange marriages. He has called for adding clauses to the personal status law to stop al-Shighar and impose penalties on those who violate it.

He also called for adding clauses that prevent the divorce of a couple in case the other couple’s exchange marriage collapses.



Trump Comeback Restarts Israeli Public Debate on West Bank Annexation

(FILES) US President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a remembrance event to mark the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel - AFP
(FILES) US President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a remembrance event to mark the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel - AFP
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Trump Comeback Restarts Israeli Public Debate on West Bank Annexation

(FILES) US President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a remembrance event to mark the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel - AFP
(FILES) US President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a remembrance event to mark the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel - AFP

When Donald Trump presented his 2020 plan to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it included the Israeli annexation of swathes of the occupied West Bank, a controversial aspiration that has been revived by his reelection.

In his previous stint as prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu pushed for partial annexation of the West Bank, but he relented in 2020 under international pressure and following a deal to normalize relations with the UAE.

With Trump returning to the White House, pro-annexation Israelis are hoping to rekindle the idea.

Far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, himself a settler in the Palestinian territory, said recently that 2025 would be "the year of sovereignty in Judea and Samaria", referring to the biblical name that Israel uses for the West Bank, AFP reported.
The territory was part of the British colony of Mandatory Palestine, from which Israel was carved during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war.

Israel conquered the territory fin the 1967 Arab-Israeli war and has occupied it ever since.

Today, many Jews in Israel consider the West Bank part of their historical homeland and reject the idea of a Palestinian state in the territory, with hundreds of thousands having settled in the territory.

Excluding Israeli-annexed east Jerusalem and its 200,000 Jewish residents, the West Bank is home to around 490,000 Israelis in settlements considered illegal under international law.

Around three million Palestinians live in the West Bank.

- 'Make a decision' -

Israel Ganz, head of the Yesha Council, an umbrella organization for the municipal councils of West Bank settlements, insisted the status quo could not continue.

"The State of Israel must make a decision," he said.

Without sovereignty, he added, "no one is responsible for infrastructure, roads, water and electricity."

"We will do everything in our power to apply Israeli sovereignty, at least over Area C," he said, referring to territory under sole Israeli administration that covers 60 percent of the West Bank, including the vast majority of Israeli settlements.

Even before taking office, Trump and his incoming administration have made a number of moves that have raised the hopes of pro-annexation Israelis.

The president-elect nominated the pro-settlement Baptist minister Mike Huckabee to be his ambassador to Israel. His nominee for secretary of state, Marco Rubio, said this would be "the most pro-Israel administration in American history" and that it would lift US sanctions on settlers.

Eugene Kontorovich of the conservative think thank Misgav Institute pointed out that the Middle East was a very different place to what it was during Trump's first term.

The war against Hamas in Gaza, Israel's hammering of Hezbollah in Lebanon and the fall of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad, all allies of Israel's arch-foe Iran, have transformed the region.

The two-state solution, which would create an independent Palestinian state in Gaza and the West Bank, has been the basis of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations going back decades.

- 'Nightmare scenario' -

Even before Trump won November's US presidential election, NGOs were denouncing what they called a de facto annexation, pointing to a spike in land grabs and an overhaul of the bureaucratic and administrative structures Israel uses to manage the West Bank.

An outright, de jure annexation would be another matter, however.

Israel cannot expropriate private West Bank land at the moment, but "once annexed, Israeli law would allow it. That's a major change", said Aviv Tatarsky, from the Israeli anti-settlement organisation Ir Amim.

He said that in the event that Israel annexes Area C, Palestinians there would likely not be granted residence permits and the accompanying rights.

The permits, which Palestinians in east Jerusalem received, allow people freedom of movement within Israel and the right to use Israeli courts. West Bank Palestinians can resort to the supreme court, but not lower ones.

Tatarsky said that for Palestinians across the West Bank, annexation would constitute "a nightmare scenario".

Over 90 percent of them live in areas A and B, under full or partial control of the Palestinian Authority.

But, Tatarsky pointed out, "their daily needs and routine are indissociable from Area C," the only contiguous portion of the West Bank, where most agricultural lands are and which breaks up areas A and B into hundreds of territorial islets.